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Cop Who Shot Levar Jones Pleads Guilty

Another Bad Cop off the force…The bad news is a innocent citizen had to get shot to do it.

This one made news as the victim, complying with the officer’s command to get his license was shot in the back as he did so.

South Carolina State Trooper Pleads Guilty To Shooting Unarmed Black Man

The officer fired his gun four times as Levar Jones reached into his car for his ID.

A white South Carolina trooper pleaded guilty on Monday to shooting an unarmed black man during a traffic stop recorded on the officer’s dash cam.

Sean Groubert, 32, could be sentenced to 20 years in prison for assault and battery of a high and aggravated nature. He fired multiple shots at Levar Jones and struck him once in the hip at a gas station in 2014.

Jones survived the shooting and limped into court to hear Groubert enter the guilty plea.

Groubert pulled over Jones for an alleged seat belt violation and fired four shots when Jones, who was standing outside his vehicle, reached inside to fetch his ID.

The officer was fired after South Carolina Department of Public Safety Director Leroy Smith reviewed the video.

 
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Posted by on March 14, 2016 in BlackLivesMatter

 

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The Story of How the First KKK Was Broken In South Carolina

Your history books will tell you the Civil War ended with Lee’s signing his surrender at Appomattox Courthouse. That isn’t true.

Small scale armed battles would continue throughout the South and midwest would continue for another 15-20 years between black and Native American militias and groups especially in the Carolinas against the the KKK and white Militias, as well as remnants of Quantrills “Raiders” and “Border Ruffians” and Jayhawkers out west.

The following is the history of one group of Federal Troops, Company K, sent to try and break up the KKK in South Carolina in the early 1870’s resulting in the destruction of the First Klan in that state.

If you are familiar with the history of the KKK, there have been three Klans spanning a period of over 100 years – and a fourth likely emerging under the influence of Donald Trumps racism and xenophobia.

K Troop

The story of the eradication of the original Ku Klux Klan.

“Go out and shoot every white man you meet, and you will hit a Ku-Klux every time.”

Sometime after 2 o’clock in the morning, the men cramming into the small cabin lowered themselves to the floor. For a passing moment, they must have looked as though they were conducting a group prayer. They were listening at the floorboards for any rustling, breathing, maybe even whispered pleas for deliverance. Then they tore up the planks. A woman standing near them begged them to stop. Ferociously, they went on, until the floor surrendered its secret.

Earlier that same night, March 6, 1871, the Ku Klux Klan had swarmed the South Carolina upcountry. The rumble of 50-odd men on horseback sounded like an invading force. Membership in the local dens of the Klan, which emerged as a paramilitary terror group after the South’s defeat in the Civil War, thrived in York County. But movements like the Ku Klux Klan feed on fear even in times of strength, and the alarms were ringing out over the growing numbers of black voters in local elections.

That night, the riders went house to house dragging black men out of their beds and forcing them to swear never to vote for “radical” candidates—in other words, those set on protecting their tenuous new rights. The Klansmen’s goals went beyond the vote to the humiliation of these men in front of their families, sending the message that whatever else might have changed since the Civil War, the power dynamic in York County had not. “God damn you,” one Klansman cried out during an attack. “I’ll let you know who is in command now.”

The tormenters concealed themselves beneath robes and horned masks; some of the clothing was dark, some white, some bore crosses or grotesque designs. The man leading this night’s havoc was Dr. J. Rufus Bratton. One local resident and former slave later remembered Bratton as a man who set the “style of polite living” around York County. A father of seven who volunteered to serve as an army surgeon for the Confederacy during the war, Dr. Bratton was the county’s leading physician as well as one of the top officials in its Klan. He brought an agenda with him that night that he shared with only a select number of the other nightriders, a term the press began to apply to the violent men.

Bratton claimed a local black militia led by a man named James Williams was responsible for a rash of fires at white-owned properties. These militiamen, supported by the state and federal governments in an effort to encourage black civic engagement, were not content with a ceremonial status. They swore to avenge the Klan’s growing list of misdeeds and murders, to become a kind of counter-Klan force. During the course of the ride, Bratton rendezvoused with younger members of his order, including Amos and Chambers Brown, sons of a former magistrate, and the four Sherer brothers, who were only formally initiated into the Klan during that night’s ride. When the men met up, they used code words confirming their membership.

“Who comes there?”

“Friends.”

“Friends to whom?”

“Friends to our country.”

Bratton directed this smaller unit of men to the home of Andy Timons, a member of Williams’s militia.

Timons woke to shouts. “Here we come, right from hell!” They demanded the door be opened. Before Timons had a chance to reach it, they broke it from the hinges and grabbed him. “We want to see your captain tonight.”

After beating Timons until he gave up the location of Williams’ home, about a dozen Klansmen rode in that direction. They picked up yet another member of the black militia on their way there; even with the information on Williams’ whereabouts obtained from Timons they needed more help to locate a rural cabin in the dead of night. “We are going to kill Jim Williams,” they told their new guide.

Williams’ offenses in the eyes of Bratton and his co-conspirators predated the formation of the militia. During the Civil War, Williams had been a slave near Brattonsville (a plantation named for Dr. Bratton’s ancestors, and where Bratton himself was born) until he escaped from his master and crossed into the North to fight for the Union army. When he returned to York County after the South’s defeat a free man, he represented an era of new beginnings, “a leading radical amongst the niggers,” as one Klansman groused. He changed his name from Rainey, the name of his former owners, to Williams and headed the militia that vowed to check the Klan’s power.

A few hundred yards from Williams’ house, Bratton brought a smaller detachment of his men to the door. Rose Williams answered, informing them her husband had gone out and she did not know where he was. Searching the house, they only found the Williams children and another man. The raid’s leader was not satisfied that his prize for the night was gone and studied the house with his piercing black eyes.

“He might be under there,” Bratton said of some wood flooring that caught his eye.

They lowered themselves, trying for the most likely spot. Prying up the planks, they found Jim Williams crouched beneath.

Rose pleaded with them not to hurt her husband. They told her to go to bed with her children and marched Williams out of the house. Andy Timons, meanwhile, scrambled to gather the militia to warn Williams, but the Klan’s head start was too great. Bratton had brought a rope with him from town and placed it around Williams’ neck as the group selected a pine tree they decided “was the place to finish the job.” Williams agreed to climb up by his own power to the branch from which they would drop him, but when they were ready to finish the job, he grabbed onto a tree limb and would not let go. One of Bratton’s subordinates, Bob Caldwell, hacked at Williams’ fingers with a knife until he dropped.

Searching the woods later, Timons and Rose found him hanging by the neck. A card on the corpse mocked the militia: Jim Williams on his big muster. Meanwhile, Dr. Bratton rejoined the larger group of Klan riders, who stopped for refreshments at the home of Bratton’s brother, John. One of the Klansmen who had not been on the raid asked where Williams was.

“He is in hell I expect,” replied Bratton.

At Bratton’s brother’s house the secret riders could relax without their disguises, revealing some of the most recognizable and distinguished faces of York County. They could celebrate weakening the will and abilities of their local political enemies through their latest campaign of intimidation. But their actions under the cover of darkness that night—and on many other nights filled with whippings, beatings, sexual assault, and murders—were set to unleash an unprecedented counterattack from the federal government with a single goal: to wipe out the KKK….Read the Rest of This Story Here

 
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Posted by on March 6, 2016 in Black History, Domestic terrorism

 

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The Story of Robert Smalls, and South Carolina

By 1900, only 34 States had compulsory Public Education systems – 4 in the South. During the reconstruction period when black legislators were elected, Public Schools were established in some states of the South, several were shut down after Reconstruction in Southern States.

The story of Robert Smalls still resonates today – as does the Southern Myth of Reconstruction.

The tale of a former slave sheds light on South Carolina’s presidential primaries

It is impossible not to think of history as we watch the poll results rolling in from South Carolina, where Clinton and Sanders vie for the state’s largely African American Democratic vote, and where Trump handily won the Republican contest, where exit polls indicated that 96% of voters were white .

Much of the state’s history – as the birthplace of secession and a stronghold of Jim Crow segregation – is shameful, and its repercussions are not entirely past. But looking back at one of the state’s legendary African American political figures might help us understand how the state decides to vote come this weekend, especially as the question of reparations becomes a national debate.

Robert Smalls was a slave who stole a Confederate ship during the Civil War and brought it to the Union fleet, gained his freedom, managed to get elected to the state legislature, and ultimately served five terms in Congress .

Smalls’ mother was a slave to Henry McKee, but as a young boy, Smalls was rented out in Charleston, where he learned how to pilot ships. When the civil war broke out – it started in Charleston – he and a number of other slaves worked on the Planter, a Confederate ship, which he daringly captured in the middle of the night and piloted through the mine-infested waters, first to pick up family members of the enslaved crew, and then to the Union blockade of the harbor.

He managed to successfully deliver the ship, which he continued to pilot throughout the war, becoming something of a cause célèbre. In 1865, he brought the Planter to Philadelphia, where he was to give a talk. He was kicked off of the segregated trolley on his way back to the ship, prompting a movement that eventually desegregated that city’s public transportation.

After the war, Smalls ran a store, a newspaper, and served in the state legislature – where he fought for and won the first public education in the state – before being elected to Congress for five terms.

His old home in Beaufort – at 511 Prince St – is marked a historical site and it is is, in many ways, a perfect monument to post-reconstruction race relations in America.

Smalls bought the home in a tax sale when he returned after the war. His mother had worked there raising the McKee children even though her own son, Robert, had been sent away. Now he was back and he legally owned the house.

“After the war, Henry McKee, who was most likely Robert’s father, died,” said Helen B Moore, Smalls’ great granddaughter, who manages a travelling exhibit dedicated to Small. “Mary Bowles McKee was left alone and was both physically and mentally ill . She wandered her way back to the house where she had lived for many years. She came to the door and Smalls, of course, recognised her. She wanted to come in and he allowed her to do so – she was quite ill and quite demented and had no idea the house had been sold.”

She did not remember that the house was no longer her property, according to Moore, but also probably didn’t realise that Smalls himself was not her property anymore.

Moore says the story was passed down through family lore, and no one can say whether it’s true or not. But we can imagine the horror of those conversations as Smalls tried to gently remind this woman, day after day, again and again, that they were equals, he was in the legislature, and he was not her property.

In many ways, the story of Robert Smalls and Mary McKee is the story of race relations in America for the last 150 years. White America continually slips into a kind of dementia, repeatedly forgetting that the world has changed, that we white people don’t own African Americans, that we are not better than them, more valuable, or more deserving of reward. In order to awaken ourselves – and I write this as a white male born and raised in South Carolina – perhaps we need a new reconstruction.

The “ Bargain of 1877 ” ended reconstruction in the south, and we fell into the folly of Jim Crow when the state constitution of 1895 legally enshrined segregation. We were awakened and reminded again of the errors of our ways during the civil rights movement, but quickly drifted into a new form of the dementia as the drug war and mass incarceration followed through.

Last month, Hillary Clinton gaffed at an Iowa debate by implying that reconstruction was a bad time in the nation’s history. The question – who was her favorite president – was an attempt to catch her between Obama and her husband Bill. Instead, she tripped into another hole when she chose that safest of presidential heroes, Abraham Lincoln.

“I don’t know what our country might have been like had he not been murdered, but I bet that it might have been a little less rancorous, a little more forgiving and tolerant, that might possibly have brought people back together more quickly,” she said.

His old home in Beaufort – at 511 Prince St, which he purchased at tax auction had been the former residence of the McKee family which were his slavemasters prior to the War

“But instead, you know, we had reconstruction, we had the reinstigation of segregation and Jim Crow. We had people in the south feeling totally discouraged and defiant. So, I really do believe he could have very well put us on a different path.”

Hillary had backed herself into the old-school view of “the horrors of reconstruction”, and the response, most notably by Ta-Nehisi Coates in the Atlantic , was fierce and immediate.

Eric Foner, a professor of history at Columbia University and the author of numerous books on the subject, said: “Here’s why Hillary’s remark struck a chord with people, a negative chord … The old view of reconstruction as a period of misgovernment, of punishment of the white south and that kind of thing, the underpinnings of that are still around today. They reverberate today – the notion that giving rights to black people is a punishment to whites in some way.”

Foner suggests that the discussion of reconstruction is not really about the past. “A lot of the questions that are being debated in our campaign right now are reconstruction issues. You know, who’s a citizen, who should be a citizen? How do you deal with terrorism? What’s the balance of power between the federal government and the states? And the right to vote? In other words, we are seeing issues of reconstruction really fought out right now.”...Read the Rest Here

 

 
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Posted by on February 24, 2016 in Black History, Democrat Primary, Giant Negros

 

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Clown Bus Shrinkage…

Jeb Crash

Jeb Bush Bows Out of Campaign, Humbled and Outmaneuvered

Jeb Bush dropped out of the presidential race on Saturday, ending a quest for the White House that started with a war chest of $100 million, a famous name and a promise of political civility but concluded with a humbling recognition: In 2016, none of it mattered.

No single candidacy this year fell so short of its original expectations. It began with an aura of inevitability that masked deep problems, from Mr. Bush himself, a clunky candidate in a field of gifted performers, to the rightward drift of the Republican Party since Mr. Bush’s time as a consensus conservative in Florida.

“I’m proud of the campaign that we’ve run to unify our country,” Mr. Bush said, his eyes moist, in an emotional speech here Saturday night after his third straight disappointing finish in the early voting states. “The people of Iowa and New Hampshire and South Carolina have spoken, and I really respect their decision.”

Mr. Bush’s campaign had rested on a set of assumptions that, one by one, turned out to be flatly incorrect: that the Republican primaries would turn on a record of accomplishment in government; that Mr. Bush’s cerebral and reserved style would be an asset; and that a country wary of dynasties would evaluate this member of the Bush family on his own merits.

No surprise, Uncle Ben Carson came in last in South Carolina…But he has sworn to hang on.

 
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Posted by on February 21, 2016 in The Clown Bus

 

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Congressional Black Caucus Endorses HIllary

No big surprise here. Whichever candidate Clyburn supports will likely win South Carolina. He has remained neutral so far. What this likely means is that Hillary will get a boost in South Carolina, although with Sanders inroads into the millennial generation, it certainly does not mean a slam dunk for Hillary. One of the things unknown at this point is how large the groundswell is against the Old Skool Politics of getting nothing done in the black community. I

Hillary attending what the CBC does best – throwing expensive parties for themselves.

Congressional Black Caucus backs Hillary Clinton

The Congressional Black Caucus’ political action committee endorsed Hillary Clinton Thursday, just as the Democratic presidential candidate is set to battle with rival Bernie Sanders at a PBS-hosted debate in Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

The CBC PAC formally announced its support of Clinton at a news conference near the Democratic National Committee headquarters in Washington, D.C.

“We must have a president who is knowledgeable on both domestic and foreign policy,” CBC chair Rep. G.K. Butterfield, D-North Carolina, said Thursday. “Black lives are being lost on the streets of America because of police misconduct and gang violence…and so we must have a president that understands the racial divide.”

“After considering the entire field, there is no question in our mind and in our minds that one single candidate — one — possesses the patience, experience and temperament,” Butterfield continued, naming Clinton.

CBC members will hit the trail for the candidate in states where African Americans could swing the outcome of the primary, focusing particularly on South Carolina, where Democrats will gather to vote on Feb. 27.

One South Carolina member of the CBC, Rep. James Clyburn, has decided to remain neutral, despite the caucus’ choice to endorse.

But Clyburn, the third-ranking Democrat in the House and a giant in South Carolina politics, recently told MSNBC in an interview that he may change his mind.

“We’ll be meeting with family and friends this weekend when I get down to South Carolina and I’ll make some decision after that,” Clyburn said Thursday. “I won’t be making any endorsements today or this week.” Clyburn remained neutral in 2008, as well.

Last month, the CBC chairman Butterfield announced his endorsement for Clinton.

Butterfield penned an editorial for African American news outlet The Grio in January saying it “was not a hard decision” to back the former secretary of state.

“The black community matters, and black votes matter, which is why I publicly and proudly support Hillary Clinton for president,” Butterfield wrote. “From fixing the criminal justice system and reforming the voting process to creating jobs and promoting a diverse workplace, Clinton’s ambitions match our own.”

Clinton has courted minority voters throughout her campaign, which has led to her popularity in states with large African American and Latino populations.

That support has not helped Clinton in the nation’s first nominating contests, since Iowa and New Hampshire have little racial diversity.

 
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Posted by on February 11, 2016 in Democrat Primary

 

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On Nikki Haley and BLM

Interesting article over at Slate by  claiming that Governor Nikki Haley’s SOTU speech included barbs against BLM. I think that is a faulty analysis. Specifically Bouie has problems about the part of her speech where she discusses Haley’s description of South Carolina’s response to the Charleston Massacre, and compares that to the rioting in Baltimore and Ferguson. That’s false equivalency on multiple levels..Here are two:.

First, the bad actors in Ferguson and Baltimore were representatives of Law Enforcement and the Judicial in the states. Dylaan Root was not. Nor did the State of South Carolina in any way sanction or support Root’s actions, unlike in Ferguson. Black folks in this country riot in frustration of powerlessness which is state sanctioned. White folks may riot simply because they have run out of beer.

So far from being “noble”, the simple fact is – black folks are likely to respond to heinous acts by a lone individual for exactly what it is…Murder and domestic terrorism.

Second, BLM had nothing to do with starting, formulating, or participating in either the Baltimore or Ferguson “riots”. Claiming they are somehow “responsible” is a stretch, unless you buy into the old racist axiom that “three black people on a street corner is a riot”. Bouie’s piece facilitates, instead of exposes that sort f thinking for what it is.

Nikki Haley’s Family

A little on Haley’s background

Yet Haley’s approach to South Carolina has not been simply an empty deployment of stale rhetoric. She opened her first inaugural address, in 2011, by remarking on South Carolina’s contributions to the Revolutionary War, but then offered a notable departure from that theme. “Of course, when talking about our past, it would be wrong to mention our greatness during the revolutionary period without noting the ugliness of much that followed. The horrors of slavery and discrimination need not be retold here. They, too, remain a part of our history and a part of the fabric of our lives.”

It was an exceptional moment. Haley, the first Indian-American and first female governor of South Carolina, had begun her first official address to the state—about sixty-eight per cent white—with a reference to the historical fact of slavery and its contemporary significance. Haley has also spoken about the prejudices she encountered as part of the only Sikh family in Bamberg, South Carolina, which was “not white enough to be white, not black enough to be black.” Three months after the shooting in Charleston, Haley, addressing the National Press Club, described seeing her father, a botany professor at a historically black college, racially profiled at a farmers’ market when she was ten years old.

So…While Haley is undoubtedly a Republican, and has been seduced by the false and corrupted canards of conservatism…Nikki doesn’t buy in to the racist memes of those elements of her Party. Ergo – Simply believing in “smaller government”…Doesn’t make you a bigot. I’m sure of you that have read Sun Tsu…There is a part in there about picking the right enemy along with the know your enemy part. Nikki isn’t your friend from a policy and politic standpoint, but unlike some of the black conservative blowmonkey Lawn Jockeys who prostitute their race…She isn’t entirely your enemy.

Which isn’t to say she didn’t take a shot at BLM as being responsible for the now thoroughly discredited “Ferguson Effect”

To an even greater extent than Obama, Haley, as a Republican, is dependent upon the narrative of apparent progress. Obama’s first Presidential campaign was derided early on as a vehicle for white liberals’ absolution, but conservatives often ask their nonwhite candidates to help them forget that there was ever anything to be absolved. This is why, when speaking of Sandra Bland, for instance, Ben Carson objected to the tendency to “inject” race into situations where it does not belong. Haley deployed a version of this thinking at the Press Club, when she spoke of the swift indictment of the officer who shot Walter Scott in the back multiple times, in North Charleston, South Carolina, but then implied that the Black Lives Matter movement was responsible for intimidating police officers to the point that black lives are now in further jeopardy. Haley said:

You know what? Black lives do matter. Most of the people killed or injured in the riots in Ferguson and Baltimore were black. Think about it. Most of the small businesses or social-service institutions that were destroyed and looted in Ferguson and Baltimore were either black-owned or served heavily black populations. Most of the people who now live in terror because local police are too intimidated to do their jobs are black. Black lives do matter, and they have been disgracefully jeopardized by the movement that has laid waste to Ferguson and Baltimore.

This awkward logic is part of a larger idea that Haley articulates frequently: that discord is potentially as destructive as injustice. Haley has noted time and again that in the aftermath of the Emanuel A.M.E. shooting, last summer, South Carolina did not erupt into violence. In that respect, however, South Carolina is not exceptional: there was not violence after the decision not to indict Officer Timothy Loehmann in Tamir Rice’s death, in Cleveland, or after the acquittal of George Zimmerman, in the death of Trayvon Martin. The explosions in Ferguson and Baltimore have been the exceptions. Resignation, resentment, and despair are the rules.

Nikki Haley’s State of the Union Rebuttal Was Anti–Black Lives Matter

The South Carolina governor’s pleasant-sounding speech hid an ugly message.

On Tuesday, South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley lived up to the hype. Tasked with giving the Republican Party’s response to President Obama’s final State of the Union address, Haley excelled, besting predecessors in a difficult format.

Besides her skill and comfort in giving a televised address, the secret to her success isn’t hard to parse. Instead of rebutting Obama, she aimed her fire—and by extension, the Republican Party’s—at its chief threat: Donald Trump.

“My story is really not much different from millions of other Americans. Immigrants have been coming to our shores for generations to live the dream that is America,” said Haley, introducing herself to American public for the first time, before going on the offensive against the Republican presidential front-runner. “Today, we live in a time of threats like few others in recent memory. During anxious times, it can be tempting to follow the siren call of the angriest voices. We must resist that temptation.”

Most coverage—and most praise—of Haley’s address focused on this passage and others that signaled a clear attack on Trump from the Republican establishment. “No one who is willing to work hard, abide by our laws, and love our traditions should ever feel unwelcome in this country,” she said.

But missing in the analysis was a detailed look at the next part of her speech, where she contrasted Trump and anti-immigration voices on the right with protest movements on the left. After voicing conservative Republican positions on border security, she pivoted to the defining event of her tenure in South Carolina—the racist killings at Mother Emanuel AME Church in Charleston.

“What happened after the tragedy is worth pausing to think about,” she said. ”Our state was struck with shock, pain, and fear. But our people would not allow hate to win. We didn’t have violence, we had vigils. We didn’t have riots, we had hugs.”

Haley continued with this: “We removed a symbol that was being used to divide us, and we found a strength that united us against a domestic terrorist and the hate that filled him.”

On the surface, this is a simple retelling of the story of last summer, where—after protests and pressure from community activists—Haley removed the Confederate battle flag from the state capitol building in Columbia (albeit, a retelling that threads the needle about what the Confederate flag actually means). At the same time, you don’t have to read closely to see it’s also a barely coded rebuke to movements like Black Lives Matter.

“We didn’t have riots, we had hugs,” for example, is a clear reference to the events in Ferguson, Missouri, and Baltimore, Maryland, where police killings of unarmed black men unleashed a torrent of pent-up anger and frustration around police violence and harassment.

“Some people think that you have to be the loudest voice in the room to make a difference,” she said. “That is just not true. Often, the best thing we can do is turn down the volume. When the sound is quieter, you can actually hear what someone else is saying. And that can make a world of difference.”

This sounds pleasant enough. But underneath is something ugly: the idea that, if you face oppression or horrific violence, the only legitimate response is reflexive quiet and forgiveness. Good victims, Haley seems to say, don’t make noise. The people who do—they’re the real problem. In this formulation, traditional Republican conservatism is a moderating force, that exists between the noise of Trump and of Black Lives Matter.

This turn only holds, however, if you equate Trump—an opportunistic demagogue leading a nativist movement—with a movement whose name affirms the value of human life, and whose aim is less violence in the conduct of policing. Equating the two is sophistry….Read the rest here

 
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Posted by on January 14, 2016 in Black Conservatives, BlackLivesMatter

 

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Governor Nikki Haley Does the Unthinkable

As remarkable as President Obama’s speech last night was, South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley’s speech was an unexpected breath of fresh air. No, she didn’t stray from failed conservative policies and beliefs in terms of taxes, opposition to Obamacare, and virtual slavery by the rich. But what she did do was two very important things. First admit Republican culpability for the gridlock and failure of Government at the National level. And second, denounce the bloviating voices of the far right advancing hate against immigrants and minorities.

For that heresy, she is being excoriated in the conservative press. Because bigots have to be bigots, a lot of the vitriol aimed at her is based on the fact that she is the child of immigrants from a brown country.

Right-wing backlash to Nikki Haley’s GOP State of the Union response grows to reveal ugly racial undertones

South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley finds herself in the unenviable position of having the just delivered the dreaded (and perhaps cursed?) Republican response to President Obama’s seventh, and final State of the Union address. While by nearly all measures she outperformed her predecessors, Haley has come under withering criticism from the most conservative voices in her party the morning after — voices like commentator Ann Coulter’s who demanded the rising GOP star and daughter of Indian immigrants be deported.

Coulter, who dismissed Haley’s move to remove the confederate flag from the capitol state grounds last summer, arguing that “she’s an immigrant and does not understand America’s history,” continued her attacks on the Republican governor and her heritage after Haley aimed significant portions of her response speech at criticizing growing anti-immigrant sentiments within the GOP base.

When Haley recited lines like, “during anxious times, it can be tempting to follow the siren call of the angriest voices. We must resist that temptation,” she was implicitly taking a swipe at GOP presidential frontrunner Donald Trump, as she confirmed to NBC News this morning: “Mr. Trump has definitely contributed to what I believe is irresponsible talk.”

Trump enthusiasts and right-wing conservatives, of course, were none too pleased with Haley’s pile-on after President Obama devoted significant portions of his final address to push-back against Trump’s brand of xenophobia:

Nikki Haley says “welcoming properly vetted legal immigrants, regardless of religion.” Translation: let in all the Muslims.

Trump should deport Nikki Haley.

I for one am shocked Nimrata Randhawa Haley has no clue about America’s heritage & dissed it for political points.

The Speech…

 

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