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Secret Service Agent Revolts Against Protecting Putin’s Bitch

Just about everyone in the Intelligence or Law Enforcement community at the Federal level knows the Chumph committed treason. Some, at least are having major heartburn at protecting a traitor. Which is why the Chumph has to keep his own private security force.

Can’t say I blame her. He’s not a legitimate president.

I, for one, am getting real tired of Republican members of Congress trying to cover this shit up. I believe there needs to be a lot bigger kickback against the Republicans who are covering for the Chumph’s treason, in a misguided effort to put Party over Country.

Secret Service Agent Says She Wouldn’t Take A Bullet For Trump

Agency says it is taking quick action.

The Secret Service said Tuesday it was taking “quick and appropriate action” against an agent who announced on Facebook that she wouldn’t take a bullet for Donald Trump, CNN reported.

But in its statement to the news network, the agency declined to provide details on its handling of Kerry O’Grady’s posts because it was a “personnel matter.”

The Washington Examiner reported on her most controversial post on Tuesday, and it was rapidly shared on social media. O’Grady, the special agent in charge of the Secret Service’s Denver district, wrote in October that while she was expected to take a bullet for both Trump and rival Hillary Clinton, “I would take jail time over a bullet or an endorsement for what I believe to be disaster to this country.”

“I’m with Her,” O’Grady concluded, repeating a Clinton campaign slogan.

 

 
 

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Protecting Personal Privacy During the Trump Reich

Anyone opposing the Chumph – if he survives the next 45 days to actually become President, is going to need some personal protection against the FBI searching your computes, phones, and other electronic devices as, under Comey they become the Chumph’s Gestapo. The FBI just gained substantial power to mass search electronic devices under a new Legislative change called Rule 41,

What this means is that if the Chumph declares any group or organization a conspiracy – the FBI can search all computers and electronic devices which anyone has used to communicate within, or outside the group to the group. If you send a Tweet to Black Lives Matter, under the Chumph the FBI would gain the ability and authority to search every one of your electronic devices.

So, it is up to you to protect yourselves. This article gives good advice on many openly commercial ways with which to protect from FBI spying. If you are planning anything more active than a small, nonviolent protest march – instead of active participation in BLM, or more active types of resistance, I’d suggest you find your way over onto the Darknet where there are some very good tools. Suggest you also investigate and acquire a system called Blockchain. Blockchain secures information between “trusted” computers. The commercial version is definitely hack-able by NSA, because the NSA forces us developers to put “back doors” into commercial software for them to spy.  The stuff found on the Darknet isn’t “commercial” and is designed to defeat even high level spying.

Remember, there is no such thing as an un-hackable system. It really just boils down to the cost and resources required  to break any system. Which is why the Military frequently changes really critical systems. With the Chumph being Putin’s bitch, the Russians will be given free rein to invade systems on his behalf. They are a lot more sophisticated and capable enemy than anything the FBI can do.

Image result for FBI

One of the FBIs Control Centers. Remember, under Comey and Putin’s bitch – these guys no longer work for you.

Protect your privacy during Trump’s reign: A hacker’s guide to being cyber-safe

Protecting individual privacy from government intrusion is older than American democracy

Protecting individual privacy from government intrusion is older than American democracy. In 1604, the attorney general of England, Sir Edward Coke, ruled that a man’s house is his castle. This was the official declaration that a homeowner could protect himself and his privacy from the king’s agents. That lesson carried into today’s America, thanks to our Founding Fathers’ abhorrence for imperialist Great Britain’s unwarranted search and seizure of personal documents.

They understood that everyone has something to hide, because human dignity and intimacy don’t exist if we can’t keep our thoughts and actions private. As citizens in the digital age, that is much more difficult. Malicious hackers and governments can monitor the most private communications, browsing habits and other data breadcrumbs of anyone who owns a smartphone, tablet, laptop or personal computer.

President-elect Donald Trump’s criticism of encryption technology and interest in expanding government surveillance have technologists and civil libertarians deeply concerned.

As an ethical hacker, my job is to help protect those who are unable, or lack the knowledge, to help themselves. People who think like hackers have some really good ideas about how to protect digital privacy during turbulent times. Here’s what they — and I — advise, and why. I have no affiliation or relationship with any of the companies listed below, except in some cases as a regular user.

Phone calls, text messaging and email

When you’re communicating with people, you probably want to be sure only you and they can read what’s being said. That means you need what is called “end-to-end encryption,” in which your message is transmitted as encoded text. As it passes through intermediate systems, like an email network or a cellphone company’s computers, all they can see is the encrypted message. When it arrives at its destination, that person’s phone or computer decrypts the message for reading only by its intended recipient.

For phone calls and private text-message-like communication, the best apps on the market are WhatsApp and Signal. Both use end-to-end encryption and are free apps available for iOS and Android. In order for the encryption to work, both parties need to use the same app.

For private email, Tutanota and ProtonMail lead the pack in my opinion. Both of these Gmail-style email services use end-to-end encryption, and store only encrypted messages on their servers. Keep in mind that if you send emails to people not using a secure service, the emails may not be encrypted. At present, neither service supports PGP/GPG encryption, which could allow security to extend to other email services, but they are reportedly working on it. Both services are also free and based in countries with strong privacy laws (Germany and Switzerland). Both can be used on PCs and mobile devices. My biggest gripe is that neither yet offers two-factor authentication for additional login security.

Avoiding being tracked

It is less straightforward to privately browse the internet or use internet-connected apps and programs. Internet sites and services are complicated business, often involving loading information from many different online sources. For example, a news site might serve the text of the article from one computer, photos from another, related video from a third. And it would connect with Facebook and Twitter to allow readers to share articles and comment on them. Advertising and other services also get involved, allowing site owners to track how much time users spend on the site (among other data).

The easiest way to protect your privacy without totally changing your surfing experience is to install a small piece of free software called a “browser extension.” These add functionality to your existing web browsing program, such as Chrome, Firefox or Safari. The two privacy browser extensions that I recommend are uBlock Origin and Privacy Badger. Both are free, work with the most common web browsers and block sites from tracking your visits.

Encrypting all your online activity

If you want to be more secure, you need to ensure people can’t directly watch the internet traffic from your phone or computer. That’s where a virtual private network (VPN) can help. Simply put, a VPN is a collection of networked computers through which you send your internet traffic.

Instead of the normal online activity of your computer directly contacting a website with open communication, your computer creates an encrypted connection with another computer somewhere else (even in another country). That computer sends out the request on your behalf. When it receives a response – the webpage you’ve asked to load — it encrypts the information and sends it back to your computer, where it’s displayed. This all happens in milliseconds, so in most cases it’s not noticeably slower than regular browsing — and is far more secure.

For the simplest approach to private web browsing, I recommend Freedome by F-Secure because it’s only a few dollars a month, incredibly easy to use and works on computers and mobile devices. There are other VPN services out there, but they are much more complicated and would probably confuse your less technically inclined family members.

Additional tips and tricks

If you don’t want anyone to know what information you’re searching for online, use DuckDuckGo or F-Secure Safe Search. DuckDuckGo is a search engine that doesn’t profile its users or record their search queries. F-Secure Safe Search is not as privacy-friendly because it’s a collaborative effort with Google, but it provides a safety rating for each search result, making it a suitable search engine for children.

To add security to your email, social media and other online accounts, enable what is called “two-factor authentication,” or “2FA.” This requires not only a user name and password, but also another piece of information — like a numeric code sent to your phone — before allowing you to log in successfully. Most common services, like Google and Facebook, now support 2FA. Use it.

Encrypt the data on your phone and your computer to protect your files, pictures and other media. Both Apple iOS and Android have settings options to encrypt your mobile device.

And the last line of privacy defense is you. Only give out your personal information if it is necessary. When signing up for accounts online, do not use your primary email address or real phone number. Instead, create a throw-away email address and get a Google Voice number. That way, when the vendor gets hacked, your real data aren’t breached.

 
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Posted by on December 12, 2016 in Second American Revolution

 

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Why Does The FBI Ignore The Council of Conservative Citizens Hate Group?

The C of CC is probably the most prominent hate group in America. They count and have counted as members people like former Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott of Mississippi, former RNC Chair Haley Barber, and a host of other Republican politicians. It would seem that those relationships have shielded the organization form the just scrutiny of the DOJ and FBI…Sometimes referred to as the KKK in suits, the C of CC advances and agenda no less toxic than the other white supremacist groups.

So, if looking for culpability in the organization which poured hate into Dylaan Roots head – you need to aim a little higher at the Republican congressmen and Senators who actively resisted the FBI stepping in on their friends and partners.

The FBI Ignored Dylann Roof’s Hate Group

The feds say they didn’t investigate the group that helped inspire the killer, but even hate speech is free speech—until it promotes violence.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation said it did not investigate the hate group that inspired Dylann Roof to kill nine black parishioners in Charleston, South Carolina last year.

FBI spokeswoman Jillian Stickels told The Daily Beast that there is no record of an investigation into the Council of Conservative Citizens. This comes after The Daily Beast requested FBI files on the group through the Freedom of Information Act. The FBI did not respond to requests for files on the CCC’s most prominent leaders.

The FOIA request also covered one week following the June 17, 2015 attack, indicating that the FBI wasn’t looking into the group even after it was revealed that Roof cited the CCC in his manifesto.

Roof wrote that he Googled “black on White crime” and found them.

“The first website I came to was the Council of Conservative Citizens. There were pages upon pages of these brutal black on White murders,” Roof said, adding that more research led him to “fight” a race war.

After the Charleston shooting, the CCC’s webmaster first said the FBI was looking into suspected ties between him and Roof, and then later denied being part of any investigation.

The Council of Conservative Citizens was founded in 1985. It was meant to be a successor to the White Citizens Councils formed to oppose desegregation following the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education. (Justice Thurgood Marshall called the councils the “uptown Klan.”) The FBI maintainedextensive records on the earlier Citizens’ Councils, particularly in the ‘50s and ‘60s.

Senator Trent Lott posed with officials of the pro-white Council of Conservative Citizens in 1997. From left, William D. Lord, state coordinator; Mr. Lott; Tom Dover, president, and Gordon L. Baum, executive officer.

But the practice apparently did not continue, despite inflammatory statements from the new CCC. In the 1980s, the CCC called blacks “genetically inferior.” In 2001, the CCC website said, “God is the author of racism. God is the One who divided mankind into different types. Mixing the races is rebelliousness against God.”

Racist statements don’t automatically trigger an FBI investigation, of course. What’s usually needed is a link to a threat of violence or criminal activity. Recent prosecutions of ISIS members show that the government may investigate and prosecute people for as little as re-blogging an image that calls for violence.

Other hate groups have been investigated by the FBI, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center, including the Aryan Nations, the National Alliance, and several neo-Nazi groups.

From the C of CC Newsletter

The director of the SPLC’s Intelligence Project speculated the CCC was not extreme enough to worry the FBI.

“It may be that they considered the Council to be too mainstream to investigate,” Heidi Beirich said. “After all, several GOP lawmakers including Trent Lott were very close to the group in the 1990s.”

The CCC was co-founded by two Democrats, former Georgia governor Lester Maddox and former Louisiana congressman John Rarick. Republican senator Trent Lott spoke to the CCC at least five times, as did Republican congressman Bob Barr in 1998. Mike Huckabee, another Republican, delivered a videotaped speech to the group in 1993 when he ran for governor of Arkansas.

Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council, and prominent Republican supporter at a C of CC meeting in 2001

This historical one, just for fun –

 
 

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Black Folks With Guns

My Maternal Grandfather, who lived on a Farm and raised his family in rural America bought each of his 8 son’s a Shotgun when they became of age. The reason was not only the “hunting culture” of rural life in Virginia, but that it had some very practical application in terms of black life in the South in the 20’s and 30’s. Anyone attacking a member of the Family, or the farm, was immediately facing 9 armed black men – not including cousins. This tended to alleviate the desire of the local KKK types to cause trouble.

It wasn’t uncommon that Free Blacks had to defend themselves with guns.

My Paternal side, who lived in the Hills of the Virginia-West Virginia line, who had gained their freedom by fighting in the British Army during the American Revolution, also alway went armed. The results of which are reputed to be the bodies of some incorrigible “Slave Catchers” reputedly left at the bottom of a limestone cave out back of the property, who variously attempted to re-enslave members of the family in the early 1800’s. They were subject to the “Black Codes” of the 1830’s restricting Free Blacks from carrying guns, and were successful in petitioning the court for the right to bear arms. A case now quoted by the NRA.

While none of today’s family belong to the NRA, those who are outdoorsmen, or live in rural areas where hunting is common – still carry that tradition on today.

While guns now are more likely to be viewed as the scourge of the black community today, people have largely forgotten the “Bloody Summer” of 1919. While the Tulsa “Riot” is well known, the riots in Chicago, and Washington, DC tend to be less remembered. Black Soldiers, veterans of WWI either kept their guns, or acquired guns to protect heir neighborhoods. Making attacking black communities, for the first time dangerous for the Klan. A factor leading to the cessation of major attacks against black communities by 1920.

How ‘Crazy Negroes’ With Guns Helped Kill Jim Crow

This Non-Violent Stuff Will Get You KIlled

I have a dream that one day children in seventh grade will have an American history textbook that is not like my son’s. Its heroes will not just be people from the past who upheld the middle-class values of modesty, chastity, sobriety, thrift, and industry. The rebels it celebrates will include not only abolitionists, suffragists, labor unionists, and civil rights leaders who confined their protests to peaceful and respectable writing, speaking, striking, and marching. In my dream, schoolchildren will read about people like C.O. Chinn.

Chinn was a black man in Canton, Mississippi, who in the 1960s owned a farm, a rhythm and blues nightclub, a bootlegging operation, and a large collection of pistols, rifles, and shotguns with which he threatened local Klansmen and police when they attempted to encroach on his businesses or intimidate civil rights activists working to desegregate Canton and register black residents to vote. After one confrontation, in which a pistol-packing Chinn forced the notoriously racist and brutal local sheriff to stand down inside the county courthouse during a hearing for a civil rights worker, the lawman admitted, “There are only two bad sons of bitches in this county: me and that nigger C.O. Chinn.”

Although the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) were formally committed to nonviolence, when their volunteers showed up in Canton they happily received protection from Chinn and the militia of armed black men he managed. “Every white man in that town knew you didn’t fuck with C.O. Chinn,” remembered a CORE activist. “He’d kick your natural ass.” Consequently, Chinn’s Club Desire offered a safe haven for black performers such as B.B. King, James Brown, Hank Ballard and the Midnighters, and the Platters; illegal liquor flowed freely in the county; and, unlike their comrades in much of Mississippi, CORE and SNCC activists in Canton were able to register thousands of black voters with virtual impunity from segregationist violence.

According to Charles E. Cobb’s revelatory new history of armed self-defense and the civil rights movement, This Nonviolent Stuff’ll Get You Killed, Canton and the rest of the South could not have been desegregated without people like C.O. Chinn, who were willing to take the lives of white people and were thus known as “crazy Negroes” or, less delicately, “bad niggers.”

Cobb does not discount the importance of nonviolent protest, but he demonstrates with considerable evidence that desegregation and voting rights “could not have been achieved without the complementary and still underappreciated practice of armed self-defense.” Noting that textbooks like my son’s ignore the many people who physically defended the movement or themselves, Cobb shows that the “willingness to use deadly force ensured the survival not only of countless brave men and women but also of the freedom struggle itself.”

The philosophy of nonviolence as propounded by Martin Luther King Jr., and the civil rights leadership that emerged in the 1950s was a new and exotic concept to black Southerners. Since before Emancipation, when slaves mounted several organized armed rebellions and countless spontaneous and individual acts of violent resistance to overseers, masters, and patrollers, black men and women consistently demonstrated a willingness to advance their interests at the point of a gun. In the year following the Civil War, black men shot white rioters who attacked blacks in New Orleans and Memphis. Even the original civil rights leadership publicly believed that, as Frederick Douglass put it in 1867, “a man’s rights rest in three boxes: the ballot box, the jury box, and the cartridge box.”

During Reconstruction, all-black units of the Union Leagues organized themselves as militias and warred against such white terrorist organizations as the Men of Justice, the Knights of the White Camellia, the Knights of the Rising Sun, and the Ku Klux Klan, whose primary mission was to disarm ex-slaves and thus was one of the first gun-control organizations in the United States.

With the rise of Jim Crow segregation at the end of the 19th century, civil rights leaders continued to advocate meeting fire with fire. “A Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every black home,” the famed anti-lynching crusader Ida B. Wells-Barnett wrote in 1892, when on average more than one black person was lynched every three days in the South, “and it should be used for that protection which the law refuses to give.”

In 1899, after a black man named Henry Denegale was accused of raping a white woman in Darien, Georgia, armed black men surrounded the jail where he was held to prevent lynch mobs from taking him. Instead of being hanged from a tree or burned at the stake, Denegale was tried and acquitted. Though blacks tended to consider Georgia the most lethal of all the Southern states, the coastal area, where Darien was located, “had the fewest lynchings of any place in the state.”

One of the first victories of the modern civil rights movement came at the point of many guns. In the spring of 1947, after a black man named Bennie Montgomery in Monroe, North Carolina, was executed for murdering his white employer during a fight over wages, the local Ku Klux Klan threatened to take Montgomery’s body from the funeral parlor and drag it through the streets of the town as a message to blacks who might consider assaulting whites. But when the Klansmen arrived at the funeral parlor, three dozen rifles belonging to members of the Monroe branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) were trained on their motorcade. The Klansmen fled.

This successful showdown convinced the president of the Monroe NAACP, Robert F. Williams—who later authored a book-length argument for armed self-defense titled Negroes With Guns—that “resistance could be effective if we resisted in groups, and if we resisted with guns.” In addition to his duties with the NAACP, Williams established an all-black chapter of the National Rifle Association (NRA) and used his NRA connections to procure “better rifles” and automatic weapons for his constituents. Ten years after the funeral-parlor incident, those guns were used to repel a Klan assault against an NAACP leader’s house. Immediately following the shootout, the Monroe City Council banned Klan motorcades and, according to Williams, the KKK “stopped raiding our community.”

T.R.M. Howard

Theodore Roosevelt Mason “T.R.M.” Howard was another black Southerner who found guns a highly effective means to gain rights. Cobb uses Howard’s story in 1950s Mississippi to illustrate “the practical use of armed self-defense” for an oppressed minority. Howard, who was the chief surgeon at a hospital for blacks in the Mississippi Delta, founded the Regional Council of Negro Leadership (RCNL), an umbrella organization of civil rights groups in the state. The RCNL led a campaign against segregated gas stations, organized rallies featuring national civil rights leaders, and encouraged black businesses, churches, and voluntary associations to move their bank accounts to the black-owned Tri-State Bank, which loaned money to civil rights activists denied credit by white banks.

Knowing that he was always at risk of being attacked by white supremacists, Howard took full advantage of Mississippi’s loose gun laws. He wore a pistol on his hip, displayed a rifle in the back window of his Cadillac, and lived in a compound secured by round-the-clock armed guards. Black reporters covering the civil rights movement in Mississippi often stayed in Howard’s home, which contained stacks of weapons, at least one submachine gun, and, according to one visiting journalist, “a long gun, a shotgun or a rifle in every corner of every room.”

1963, Mississippi Voter Registration Activists (l-r) Bob Moses, Julian Bond, Curtis Hays, unknown activist, Hollis Watkins, Amzie Moore, and E.W. Steptoe.

According to many accounts, southwest Mississippi was the most dangerous and Klan-ridden region of the South—”the stuff of black nightmares,” according to Cobb—but it was also home to several of the strongest branches of the NAACP. Activists from the area were the first in Mississippi to file a school desegregation suit, a youth chapter campaigned against police brutality, and local NAACP members traveled to D.C. to testify for the 1957 Civil Rights Act. The presidents of two NAACP branches-C.C. Bryant of Pike County and E.W. Steptoe of Amite County-offered their fortified houses as resting stops for SNCC and CORE organizers. One SNCC volunteer recalled that if you stayed with Steptoe, “as you went to bed he would open up the night table and there would be a large .45 automatic sitting next to you….[There were] guns all over the house, under pillows, under chairs.” It was for that reason that SNCC operated one of its “Freedom Schools” on Steptoe’s farm.

Anti-racist proponents of gun control should note an irony in this story: One aspect of Southern culture allowed for the dismantling of another. “Although many whites were uncomfortable with the idea of blacks owning guns-especially in the 1960s,” Cobb writes, “the South’s powerful gun culture and weak gun control laws enabled black people to acquire and keep weapons and ammunition with relative ease.” One example of this came in 1954, when the Mississippi state legislator Edwin White responded to an increase in black gun ownership with a bill requiring gun registration as protection “from those likely to cause us trouble,” but the bill died in committee.

Guns weren’t the only physical weapons used to advance civil rights. Five days after the famous 1960 sit-in at a Woolworth’s lunch counter in Greensboro, North Carolina, another sit-in was attempted but the protesters were blocked from entering the store by crowds of young whites carrying Confederate flags and threatening violence. So football players from the historically black North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College formed a flying wedge and rammed through the mob. In Jacksonville, Florida, a gang of black youth known as the Boomerangs used their fists to beat back a group of whites who were attacking sit-in protestors with ax handles.

Two of the best-known civil rights organizations practicing armed self-defense were the Deacons for Defense and Justice, which was formally incorporated in Louisiana in 1965 with the explicit purpose of providing armed protection for civil rights activists, and the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO) of Alabama, a SNCC affiliate that renounced the national organization’s nonviolent philosophy and helped inspire the formation of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense in northern cities.

 
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Posted by on August 16, 2015 in Black History

 

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