It isn’t like we haven’t seen a lot of evidence of some white cops escalating what should be a routine stop to murder. In combination with stacked juries and corrupt state prosecutors who protect bad cops from even murder prosecution, this creates a situation for increased violence instead of de escalation.
The problem here, at least to my view, is in large part the training given to cops to use massive force in response to every situation. This approach, instead of any sort of walking a situation down into a non-violent conflict is exacerbated by white cop prejudices and racism.
This black cop who let the cat out of the bag…Better watch his back.
Everyone who has listened to or watched the press the last few days is aware of the FBI Director Comey’s letter to Congress about Hillary Clinton’s emails.
As predicted here, the FBI’s assertion that there was “something new” was total bullshit. It was so, because if the email went though Clinton’s server…The FBI already had a copy of it because the server keeps a copy. Any IT guy or computer tech could tell you that one. Efforts to “scrub” a server also leave electronic “footprints”. The FBI had already hired outside techs to tell them that didn’t happen. So from day 1…Comey either lied, or was in such a rush as to ignore the facts.
Then we find there is a cabal of old white, technically incompetent guys working in the FBI against Clinton. And you really need to start wondering why the FBI so seldom develops any actionable evidence in Cop murders of unarmed black kids? The FBI’s credibility right now is in tatters.
The nexus of Law Enforcement support for Trump is racism. Quite simply, if Trump becomes President, then it is back to “business as usual” and all those “inconvenient” murders will be swept back under the rug…Again.
I’ve said before, “Racism makes you stupid”, and this is a case in point. Law enforcement being political, especially in the environment where the candidate they support is an outright racist…
Isn’t doing any favors for honest, and hard working Cops trying to do their job and their relationship with the community they are policing.
It’s troubling that any reputable group would support Trump. It is particularly damaging for police unions to do so, because these endorsements are both a gratuitous insult and a huge lost opportunity, making it harder for officers to reach out to minority communities that have been offended during this election season.
The lost opportunities are particularly obvious here in Chicago, where crime is up and police-community relations are strained. The statements of police union leaders are one of many flash points in the wake of tragic police shootings and the national controversies that arose after the death of Michael Brown, in Ferguson, Mo. Earlier this year, I served on one working group concerned with policing reform in the wake of the Laquan McDonald shooting. As part of that work, I attended various public meetings where activists and community residents lambasted specific collective-bargaining provisions they believe excessively shield bad police officers.
I recently spoke with Charles P. Wilson, national chairman of the National Association of Black Law Enforcement Officers. (Wilson is not a member of the FOP.) I asked whether this endorsement would harm the reputation of police in minority communities. Wilson responded with a laugh: “You think so?”
“The vast number of black and Latino officers would not support Donald Trump under any circumstances,” he said. “The endorsement shows a lack of understanding, a lack of consideration for the many black and Latino officers who are members of that organization.”
Imagine, for example, that you are a police officer patrolling Chicago’s Englewood community. Like many officers, you are hoping to elicit the community’s cooperation to address the surge in gun and gang violence that has made 2016 such a tough year. Englewood is 96.6 percent African American. And now you labor under the additional burden that your national union endorsed a presidential candidate who brazenly and falsely challenged the citizenship of Chicago’s own Barack Obama, the most revered African American politician in our nation’s history.
Finally, imagine that you are a recruiter or human resource officer for any big-city department. You’re trying to recruit minority and female officers to create a more diverse force. You’re trying to convince these men and women that modern policing doesn’t match the stereotypes they may hold, that your department is forging a new relationship with the communities that most need effective policing. That’s never easy. Now you labor under the additional burden that your national union has endorsed a man who has deeply offended these very communities, and has spoken out in support of precisely the heavy-handed tactics that most offend young men and women you hope to recruit….Read the Rest Here…
This is a big difference from what we see on the racist Faux News, where ex-cops are paid to berate the BLM Movement, call them murders and terrorists…
Never mind that many of the ex-cops Faux News pays to appear are ex-Cops because of their own criminal activities. Drag in a few paid Lawn Jockeys, and you have the universe of Fox News racism.
The Wichita Police took what I would call and “adult” way to approach things. Why not invite the BLM protesters to a cookout, where Cops and the community could sit down and hold an honest conversation. For a lot of black folks, especially in Urban areas, this provides an opportunity to meet and get to know local Police on a personal level – instead of when they have you pulled over for something. For Police, it is an opportunity to meet the ordinary folks who make up the majority of people in the community.
When a group of Kansas police officers spotted members of the Black Lives Matter movement protesting near a highway last week, they didn’t try to put a stop to it.
Instead, the Wichita officers suggested holding a cookout, where members of the community and cops could gather for food, dance and an open discussion. The Black Lives Matter protesters happily agreed.
Now the city is being praised for its response — with many people suggesting communities across the country should follow their example.
Conlee Borchard, whose fiancé is in the Wichita Police Academy, said protesters stood in line on Sunday and waited patiently to ask officials, including Wichita Police Chief Gordon Ramsay, questions.
“They asked hard questions, such as, ‘What are you doing to make sure our officers are held accountable?’ ‘What do we do if we have a complaint against an officer?'” Borchard told CBS News.
When the Q&A ended, the dancing began, and Borchard captured an inspiring sight on camera. A video of an energetic officer doing the “Cha Cha Slide” with Wichita residents went viral with more than 14 million views on Facebook.
Some applauded the heartwarming video as a welcome alternative to the tensions escalating between communities and police across the U.S.
“Other states are rioting, and killing…Were eating BBQ and dancing with the police!” one Facebook user commented.
“So proud of our hometown for making a ‘slide’ in the right direction,” another replied.
Borchard said it was a productive event.
“It felt like coming into the future,” she explained. “In such a short amount of time there was so much restoration. Everyone walked away with hope.”
In a Facebook Live video posted on Monday, Chief Ramsay thanked everyone for making the “First Steps Community Cookout” a success.
“I really want to thank those who came out and were a part of this; it can’t just be the police that make these changes,” Ramsay said in the video. “It takes two parties to make a healthy relationship.”
Police overreach, brutality, and killings are just one part of black American frustration with their Police Departments. The other is the massive ineffectiveness in solving or stopping violent crime.
On the morning of March 11, 2008, shortly after the bus picked up his twin brothers for preschool, Emill Smith stopped by the house of his mother, Valerie Maxwell, in Chester, Pennsylvania. At 22, he was stocky and athletic, with dark eyes, faint facial hair, and a cursive tattoo on his right hand: “R.I.P. James,” in memory of his father, who died in his sleep when Emill was 12. They talked for a while, and he asked if he could pick the twins up from school that afternoon so they could spend time together.
That afternoon, Emill took the four-year-olds to McDonald’s and his place before dropping them off at Valerie’s: “They almost set the apartment on fire,” he joked. “Here, you can have them.” As he walked out, he stopped.
“I love you.”
“I love you more.”
At 7:15 p.m. that night, Valerie dialed Emill’s number to make sure he was home in time for his 7:30 curfew, part of his probation for disorderly conduct in a domestic dispute. No answer. A few minutes later, one of Emill’s friends rushed in and collapsed.
Emill had been to a neighborhood bar, where a security camera recorded him dancing, hanging out by the pool table, and kissing an old friend on the forehead before leaving. As he got into his car, someone walked up and shot him several times. No one was ever arrested in connection with the crime, and odds are no one will be. That’s because, while Chester has one of the nation’s highest homicide rates, it has a far lower than average “clearance rate.” Not even one-third of last year’s 30 homicides have been solved, a rate less than half the national average. Since 2005, 144 killings have gone unsolved.
FOR GENERATIONS, BLACK frustration with policing has been best described in a two-part statement: Cops don’t care enough to solve crimes in our neighborhoods—they just come and harass our kids. NovelistWalter Mosley even built a best-selling detective series around a tough private investigator who does all the serving and protecting that cops won’t do on the black side of town.
The bitter irony is that it was this same complaint that helped spawn the aggressive policing tactics now under attack from Ferguson to New York City. In the 1980s, when crack and heroin syndicates swept through black neighborhoods, black parents and pastors were some of the first and loudest voices to demand a war on drugs. What they got was “broken windows” policing—an emphasis on curbing petty offenses to prevent more serious crime.
What they also got were mandatory minimum sentences for shoplifters, indiscriminate stop-and-frisk sweeps, and deadly choke holds on men selling loose cigarettes. There’s little evidence that these tactics contributed much to the national decline in crime. But they did erode trust in law enforcement across many communities—leaving places like Chester increasingly bereft of the protection they badly need. With residents both fearful of police and worried about being targeted for talking to them, detectives can’t find the witnesses they need to solve crimes, breeding further distrust and a vicious cycle of frustration. A 2014 New York Daily News investigation found that in 2013, police solved about 86 percent of homicides in which the victim was white. For black victims, the number was just 45 percent. And in high-minority communities like Chester, says David Kennedy, a professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, clearance rates for murder—and even more so for nonfatal shootings—can get “pathetically low. They can easily fall down to single digits.”…Read the Rest Here…
GREENSBORO, N.C. — Rufus Scales, 26 and black, was driving his younger brother Devin to his hair-cutting class in this genteel, leafy city when they heard the siren’s whoop and saw the blue light in the rearview mirror of their black pickup. Two police officers pulled them over for minor infractions that included expired plates and failing to hang a flag from a load of scrap metal in the pickup’s bed. But what happened next was nothing like a routine traffic stop.
Uncertain whether to get out of the car, Rufus Scales said, he reached to restrain his brother from opening the door. A black officer stunned him with a Taser, he said, and a white officer yanked him from the driver’s seat. Temporarily paralyzed by the shock, he said, he fell face down, and the officer dragged him across the asphalt.
Rufus Scales emerged from the encounter with four traffic tickets; a charge of assaulting an officer, later dismissed; a chipped tooth; and a split upper lip that required five stitches.
That was May 2013. Today, his brother Devin does not leave home without first pocketing a hand-held video camera and a business card with a toll-free number for legal help. Rufus Scales instinctively turns away if a police car approaches.
“Whenever one of them is near, I don’t feel comfortable. I don’t feel safe,” he said.
As most of America now knows, those pervasive doubts about the police mirror those of millions of other African-Americans. More than a year of turmoil over the deaths of unarmed blacks after encounters with the police in Ferguson, Mo., in Baltimore and elsewhere has sparked a national debate over how much racial bias skews law enforcement behavior, even subconsciously.
Documenting racial profiling in police work is devilishly difficult, because a multitude of factors — including elevated violent crime rates in many black neighborhoods — makes it hard to tease out evidence of bias from other influences. But an analysis by The New York Times of tens of thousands of traffic stops and years of arrest data in this racially mixed city of 280,000 uncovered wide racial differences in measure after measure of police conduct.
Those same disparities were found across North Carolina, the state that collects the most detailed data on traffic stops. And at least some of them showed up in the six other states that collect comprehensive traffic-stop statistics.
Here in North Carolina’s third-largest city, officers pulled over African-American drivers for traffic violations at a rate far out of proportion with their share of the local driving population. They used their discretion to search black drivers or their cars more than twice as often as white motorists — even though they found drugs and weapons significantly more often when the driver was white.
Officers were more likely to stop black drivers for no discernible reason. And they were more likely to use force if the driver was black, even when they did not encounter physical resistance.
The routine nature of the stops belies their importance.
As the public’s most common encounter with law enforcement, they largely shape perceptions of the police. Indeed, complaints about traffic-law enforcement are at the root of many accusations that some police departments engage in racial profiling. Since Ferguson erupted in protests in August last year, three of the deaths of African-Americans that have roiled the nation occurred after drivers were pulled over for minor traffic infractions: a broken brake light, a missing front license plate and failure to signal a lane change.
Yet traffic codes are so minutely drawn that virtually every driver will break some rule within a few blocks, experts say. “The traffic code is the best friend of the police officer,” said David A. Harris, a University of Pittsburgh law professor who studies police behavior and search-and-seizure law.
When a Greensboro officer pulled over Keith Maryland and Jasmine McRae, who are black, in Mr. Maryland’s burgundy Nissan early one evening in March, even that vast authority was exceeded, claimed Mr. Maryland’s lawyer, Graham Holt.
In an interview, Mr. Maryland said Officer Christopher Cline had told him that his registration had expired, although it was clearly valid for 15 more days. The officer then said Ms. McRae, sitting in the back seat, “looked like someone” and asked to search her purse. Officers do not have to tell drivers or their passengers that they have the right to refuse, and like the vast majority of people, Ms. McRae agreed. The officer found a small amount of marijuana and several grams of cocaine and arrested her.
Mr. Holt said the stop was illegal because there was no traffic infraction. And in fact, a police corporal summoned Mr. Maryland to the station the next day and scrawled VOID across the ticket for an expired registration.
But the department and a city review board still found that the officer had acted lawfully. And Ms. McRae ended up pleading guilty to a misdemeanor charge of marijuana possession. She was sentenced to probation, incurring hundreds of dollars in fees.…More here…