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Money, Money, Money, Money – Donations Pour In To Progressive Groups After Chumphcare Debacle on Hill

The split between Progressives and Democrats is growing. Money is pouring into Progressive Groups to fight the Chumph and his Republican co-conspirators. But the DNC? Not so much. The throwdown in 2018 to destroy Republican majorities in the House and Senate with Progressives instead of old line Democrats is accelerating.

Hopefully, BLM has gotten a clue from this. There has never been a better time to replace some of those “Do Nothing”, Cabaret spending, black fools misrepresenting their communities on the Hill. And get some folks in with some real fire and ability to stand up for taking apart the New Jim Crow.

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Progressive Activists Raise Record Amount To Defeat Obamacare-Repealing Republicans

And they’re using what could be a revolutionary technique.

Democratic activists, revamping fundraising to support congressional candidates in the Trump era, said Friday they received a flood of grassroots donations in the 24 hours after House Republicans passed legislation to repeal huge parts of Obamacare.

The progressive groups Daily Kos, ActBlue and Swing Left said they raised a total of more than $2 million from over 45,000 donors to help defeat Republicans who voted for the GOP legislation on Thursday. ActBlue, the main online fundraising hub for progressive politics and Democratic candidates, processed a total of $4.2 million ― a huge amount this far out from an election.

The progressive website Daily Kos raised more than $1 million from over 22,000 donors. That money will support Democrats challenging 24 of the most vulnerable Republicans who voted for the Trumpcare bill.

Swing Left, a national progressive group born in the wake of January’s Women’s March, worked with Pod Save America and the Crooked Media team to raise over $800,000 from almost 20,000 donors. Those funds will target 35 vulnerable Republicans who supported the bill. ActBlue raised over $430,000 from more than 6,000 donors to target every Republican who voted for the bill.

The spontaneous flood of donations is the latest sign of increased political engagement by Democrats, shocked by their defeat in the 2016 elections. Campaigns and local Democratic parties have seen a huge jump in volunteers. Democratic candidates in special elections scattered across the country have run well ahead of normal Democratic voting percentages.

But what’s interesting about the new fundraising effort is that none of the money will go to a named candidate ― yet. All of the money raised Thursday and Friday will be plowed into what are essentially escrow funds for each individual race. After the end of the respective Democratic primaries in each congressional district, the winning candidate will get access to the funds for general election efforts against their Republican opponent.

ActBlue has allowed users to create these kinds of funds since 2008, but progressive groups have not used them on such a wide scale until this year.

“I have never seen it used in the way it was used yesterday,” ActBlue Executive Director Erin Hill told HuffPost. She added: “The grassroots are really leading where the party is going right now.”

Large fundraising efforts for declared candidates normally are difficult enough ― and they’re much harder for an unnamed future candidate. That activists are willing to pour money into these accounts to fund a future candidate is a clear demonstration of their frustration and anger at Republicans and their legislative actions.

“Americans are horrified that congressional Republicans just voted to take away their health care, and that’s kindled real anger—anger that the Daily Kos community is channeling with record-breaking donations at unheard-of speed,” David Nir, political director at Daily Kos, said in a statement.

This fundraising model provides a way for activists to make decisions outside of the national Democratic Party.

Indeed, leading Democratic Party figures have been playing catch-up with their own voters since Donald Trump won the presidency. Activists have overwhelmed local Democratic Party offices looking for volunteer opportunities. And they have heavily criticized national party organs for failing to spend money, send help or direct volunteers to special elections.

The post-Trumpcare fundraising model provides a new way for activists to show their party the direction they want to go.

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Not the Only Clowns Who Need to Go!

 

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The HBCU As a Campaign Tool

Neither Bernie or Hillary has much of a depth of understanding about HBCUs. On the good side, HBCUs graduate a outsized number of black students in the STEM Fields. The bad news, is the bulk of those graduates actually only come from 3 schools. The worse news is that in all but the elite 3 HBCUs, the graduation rate is equal to or worse than that of even modest non-HBCU Schools.

If they really cared…or understood – what I think should be done is to finance the top 10 producing schools in terms of graduation rate. Give them the funding, grants, student of merchant loans to develop or expand curricula in the fields the country needs, and some mandates to reach certain goals such as graduation rate, acceptance to post-grad studies rates, and numbers enrolled in specific programs such as the STEM fields.

Governor Terry McAliffe of my state recently tried to attract high tech into the Norfolk area of the state by offering state incentives o Va Tech, Christopher Newport University, and UVa blindingly missing the fact that Norfolk is 53% minority, of which 42% is black, and one of the better HBCU’s with programs in the STEM Fields, Hampton University is located a stones throw away from the proposed new headquarters. And Hampton’s Engineering and Technology Department making Hampton is the first and only HBCU to have 100% control of a NASA Mission.

Would like to see something besides the usual smoke-and-mirrors here.

Misusing HBCUs as a Carrot for Black Voters

In a Democratic primary contest that hinges in part on black voters, the funding of historically black colleges and universities has become a major campaign issue. But, while both campaigns are talking about HBCUs, one is using them as a line of attack. Surrogates for Hillary Clinton have suggested that her higher-education plan is better for black students and HBCUs than that of her opponent Bernie Sanders. Not only are those surrogates wrong in their misuse of the schools, but they’re also wrong about the facts.

“By focusing exclusively on making public college free, Sanders’s plan wouldn’t spend a dime on private HBCUs and threatens roughly 50 percent of HBCUs that are not public,” said Representative Cedric Richmond of Louisiana, in a statement issued by Clinton’s campaign weeks ago. Richmond continued in his criticism that Sanders’s higher-education plan leaves HBCUs “out in the cold.”

“As Senator Sanders promotes his HBCU tour, he owes it to the students to explain why half the HBCUs in the country aren’t worth any investment,” Richmond said.

James Clyburn, a Democratic Representative from South Carolina and a Clinton backer, doubled down on Richmond’s comments days before the South Carolina primary. “If you say that you’re going to have college—free two-year college—among public institutions, why would a student go to an HBCU? And most of which are private institutions,” Clyburn told NewsOne Now. “What will happen is these HBCUs will all close down all across America because they would not be able to afford to stay open.”

With both statements, Clyburn and Richmond leverage just how sacred HBCUs are to black voters while obscuring important context. HBCUs are indeed critical to the education of black students. Despite enrolling just 8 percent of black undergraduates, they award 15 percent of the bachelor’s degrees earned by black Americans. And as the congressmen suggest, HBCUs are grossly underfunded, operating on about an eighth of the average endowment of other institutions. The arguments made by the Clinton surrogates break down, however, with a close look at the composition of HBCUs and where they fit in the black education landscape.

There are an estimated 2,872,000 black students enrolled nationally at degree-granting postsecondary institutions. Of them, only 8 percent are enrolled at historically black colleges and universities. And of all the black students at HBCUs, only about a quarter are enrolled at private HBCUs. In all, a little more than 2 percent of all black college students are enrolled at private HBCUs. It is this small percentage of students that the Clinton surrogates have made the focus of their attacks on Sanders.

Then there are the details of both higher-education plans. Both Clinton and Sanders pledge to lower student-loan interest rates and allow those with existing debt to refinance their loans. That’s where the similarities end. The Sanders plan is marked by its proposal to make public colleges and universities free. In addition to that, Sanders proposes a dramatic increase to student aid, and the candidate recently stated his backing for a dedicated $30 billion fund to support private HBCUs and other “minority-serving institutions.”

The Clinton plan also has its distinctions. It proposes extending a popular higher-education tax credit, limiting student-loan repayment to just 10 percent of monthly income and increasing federal and state investment in public schools that serve low- and middle-income students. In addition, Clinton’s higher-education plan proposes that Pell grants be expanded to cover student living expenses. It also explicitly calls for a dedicated $25 billion fund to provide support to private nonprofit schools that serve low- and middle-income students.

While the Clinton plan creates and increases funding for which black students and HBCUs are eligible, it falls short of the kind of targeted investment the candidate’s surrogates suggest it has in their criticism of Sanders. And although the Sanders plan does not include institutional support for private HBCUs, it arguably does as much as Clinton’s to support their students while also proposing tuition-free education for the vast majority of black students—at public HBCUs (73 percent) and predominately white institutions (66 percent). To be sure, the private HBCU blind spot in Sanders’s higher-education plan is frustrating. Still, for black voters questioning the candidate’s commitment to black schools and higher education for black students more broadly, it’s worth considering the potential impact.

HBCUs have proven vital in educating black students and deserve the nation’s investment. They also warrant careful discussion. Painting HBCUs with broad strokes may make for an effective line of attack, but doing so obfuscates the multiple ways black students access education and the variety of support they require.

 
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Posted by on March 3, 2016 in Democrat Primary

 

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DeRay for Mayor!

It appears that DeRay Mckesson, one of he mainstream players in Black Lives Matter is a serious politician, with a solid platform on what he would do as Mayor of Baltimore. I think most people have been underestimating his understanding and grasp of what the job entails because of his youth. Baltimore, just like any major city, is an ugly beast to run with many conflicting interests and embedded issues. The people who are successful at big city leadership tend to be part Gandhi and part Hitler. However…

He has done his homework.

Is DeRay Mckesson for real?

When DeRay Mckesson, a 30-year-old Black Lives Matter activist, filed at the last moment for Baltimore mayor, the city’s political establishment was well justified in asking, is this guy for real? Is he going to run a legitimate campaign, or is he going to tweet a bunch and lap up the love in the national media?

Tweet a bunch, he has done, though one gets the impression that’s like saying he’s breathed a bunch in the last couple of weeks. Love in the national media? Check. Starting with a story in the New York Times and, an hour later, a beyond-fawning profile of his decision to run by a Washington Post reporter who had embedded with his proto-campaign, and then including accounts in The Atlantic, Slate, NPR, The Guardian etc., he’s been everywhere.

But he’s done something else, too, and that’s issue an extensive set of policy proposals on education, economic development, public safety, health, the environment, arts and more that at least rival — and in some cases easily surpass — those from so-called mainstream candidates in their depth and scope. They are ambitious and leave gaps in some key points, particularly in terms of how the city is going to pay for them or get lawmakers in Annapolis and Washington to support them where necessary, though Mr. Mckesson is hardly the only candidate to be guilty of that sin. But what’s surprising about the platform, given how recently Mr. Mckesson has arrived on the scene, is the depth of knowledge it displays about how things have been done in this city and how they could be done differently. His ideas aren’t always the right ones or necessarily better than those proffered by other candidates, but they’re no joke either.

Though Mr. Mckesson is running as an outsider, his proposals are in certain respects less radical than what other candidates are proposing. City Councilman Carl Stokes, for example, wants to require that all developments awarded incentives like a payment in lieu of taxes or tax increment financing include a community benefits agreement. Mr. Mckesson, by contrast, wants to encourage such agreements, not require them, while “rigorously” evaluating TIFs and PILOTs to ensure they are necessary and that their costs and benefits are clearly spelled out. He notes the limitations presented by the city-state co-appointment of city school board members, but unlike businessman David Warnock, he doesn’t call a hybrid elected/appointed board, nor full mayoral control of the schools, asstate Sen. Catherine Pugh suggests. Mr. Mckesson wants a $15 minimum wage — but on the state level, not just in the city.

As might be expected based on his activism since the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., Mr. Mckesson goes farther than other candidates in some of his ideas for police accountability. For example, he advocates eliminating the Law Enforcement Officers Bill of Rights altogether — a goal that is unnecessary and probably counter-productive, in that it could foreclose the possibility of meaningful reforms. But in other respects, he doesn’t. Like several other candidates, Mr. Mckesson advocates for beefing up Baltimore’s Civilian Police Review Board, but he does not go so far as Councilman Nick Mosby to propose making seats on it elected positions. Mr. Mckesson wants to decriminalize certain nuisance crimes like spitting and open-container violations, and to shift the war on drugs to one centered on public health principles rather than criminal justice. But he doesn’t suggest ending arrests for simple possession of marijuana, as attorney Elizabeth Embry does.

Mr. Mckesson’s plans reveal a grasp of the minutiae of city government. His ideas for using city contracting to generate more jobs for city residents rest on detailed knowledge of how City Council PresidentBernard C. “Jack” Young‘s local hiring ordinance works. He is clearly versed on the latest problems that have cropped up for Baltimore — for example, the unexpected impact of tax incentives for development on state school funding formulas — and on innovative strategies from other cities, such as an effort in San Francisco to seed college savings accounts for children….Read The Rest Here

 
 

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