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Thanks, Dad! Trump Name Becomes Toxic Even for His Kids

The Chumph has not only killed his Hotel business…He’s killing his daughter’s business too!

Ivanka Trump (Photo: Instagram)

Fewer than 1 in 4 women would buy clothes from Ivanka Trump after her father’s toxic campaign

Donald Trump’s name is so toxic that it has harmed his own businesses or hotelsfor whom he has leased his name. But now that Trump name is beginning to have a huge impact on the rest of the family.

Just last month, the social media app FourSquare revealed data showing the decrease in foot traffic at Trump-named properties. The numbers were even lower for women, who are avoiding Trump brands in larger numbers.

This weekend, Raw Story explained how one woman’s boycott of Ivanka Trump’s fashion line and accessories has promoted other woman to respond in kind.

But that boycott has been turned into actual numbers. According to a Fortune report, fewer than one in four women would buy anything from Ivanka Trump’s brand. It’s unclear whether the boycott was the culprit or the bad press over the last year, but women don’t want Trump, whether for president or to wear on their bodies.

The national survey asked 1,983 voters if they would consider purchasing clothing from a Trump line and 57 percent said they would not. Only 23 percent said that they would with the remainder saying they weren’t sure. Those numbers are even worse when looking at a partisan breakdown. An overwhelming 75 percent of Democratic women refuse to buy the GOP candidate’s daughter’s products. Only 11 percent said they would.

 

 
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Posted by on October 26, 2016 in Chumph Butt Kicking

 

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How Obama’s Supreme Court Pick May Turn the Election

One of the most frustrating things about the Obama Presidency is the unwillingness or inability to deal from a position of strength against the far right. Issue comes up…Obama caves. Issue comes up…Obama caves.Issue comes up…Obama caves. Often before the issue is even joined in any substantive debate.

As such I view with great trepidation the potential selection of Nevada Republican Governor Brian Sandoval. I would find it very hard to vote for someone who put yet another Republican on the Court to potentially re-establish the 5-4 majority.Further, any decision to do so impacts the candidacy of Hillary Clinton more than Bernie Sanders worse than that of Bernie Sanders in that she has tied her campaign in close alignment with Obama’s Administration. Another Republican on the court means the support and continuation of the mass incarceration policies set forth by Bill Clinton which have devastated black low income neighborhoods, and no structural realignment of the court in any significant issue relative to the well being of Minority citizens.

I’m sorry, but I can’t see any possibility in voting for – and I’ll appropriate a Republican term here…A DINO.

Obama weighs Republican for Supreme Court

President Barack Obama is considering appointing a moderate Republican to the Supreme Court, a source close to the process said on Wednesday, but leaders in the Republican-led Senate held firm to their threat to block anyone he nominates.

The source said Nevada Governor Brian Sandoval, a Republican and former federal judge, was among the possible candidates.

As governor, Sandoval has taken a traditional Republican stance in support of gun rights, but his more moderate views on social issues, such as abortion rights, could make him an attractive choice for the Democratic president.

A 52-year-old Mexican-American, Sandoval was appointed a judge by Republican George W. Bush, Obama’s predecessor, before being elected governor in 2010. He abandoned his state’s legal defense of a same-sex marriage ban before the Supreme Court declared such bans unconstitutional last year.

The Feb. 13 death of long-serving conservative Justice Antonin Scalia created a vacancy on the nine-seat court and ignited a political fight. Republicans are maneuvering to foil Obama’s ability to choose a replacement who could tilt the court to the left for the first time in decades. Scalia’s death left the court with four liberals and four conservatives.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell announced on Tuesday the Senate will not hold hearings or vote on any Supreme Court nominee until the next president takes office in January 2017, following the Nov. 8 presidential election. Republicans hope to win back the White House then.

The Senate must confirm any high court nominee, but McConnell remained unswayed even with word that Obama was considering the Republican Sandoval for the job.

“This nomination will be determined by whoever wins the presidency in the fall,” McConnell said.

Senator Chuck Grassley, chairman of the Judiciary Committee that would hold any confirmation hearings, concurred, saying, “It’s the principle, not the person.”

The White House said it was hoping for a meeting with Grassley and his committee’s top Democrat, Patrick Leahy. A McConnell aide said McConnell was trying to schedule a meeting with Obama to reiterate his opposition to any nominee…

Some liberal groups expressed alarm that Sandoval would be considered. Charles Chamberlain of the group Democracy for America called it “downright absurd” that Obama would risk his legacy by appointing “another anti-labor Republican” to an already pro-big business Supreme Court.

Sandoval opposed Obama’s healthcare law, but opted to expand his state’s Medicaid health insurance program for the poor under the measure, breaking from a number of Republican governors who refused to do so.

He expressed support for bipartisan immigration legislation that passed the Senate in 2013 before dying in the House of Representatives amid Republican opposition.

In 2013, Sandoval vetoed legislation to require background checks on all Nevada gun sales. Last year, he signed a law backed by the National Rifle Association that expanded the defenses for justifiable homicide and repealed a local ordinance that required handgun registration…Read The Rest Here

Demo Yellow Donkey

Yellow back Donkey Award!

 

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Why Obama Needs to Nominate a Liberal Judge

Obama hopefully has gotten to the stage to cut the crap about making peace with Republican bigots. The New Jim Crow was subsidized and supported by the 5-4 conservative court.

As to Scalia’s Lawn Ornament…

The Human Toll of Antonin Scalia’s Time on the Court

Blacks, Latinos, and poor whites suffered because of his draconian approach to criminal punishment.

In the days since Antonin Scalia’s death, he has been duly recognized as one of the most impactful justices in the Supreme Court’s history. A critical part of his troubling legacy has long been staring us in the face, although it finally started receiving the public scrutiny it deserves in recent years. As draconian punishments became the norm over the last three decades, the Supreme Court largely rubber-stamped these practices. Justice Scalia played a key role in this process, as his hardline stances on criminal punishment significantly contributed to mass incarceration, numerous executions, and systemic racial discrimination. Scalia was an outspoken supporter of harsh punishments and wanted the court to take an even more hands-off attitude toward so-called “tough on crime” laws.

Not long after he made it onto the court in 1986, Scalia’s influence on these issues began to be felt. In McCleskey v. Kemp, one of the first cases he heard, anti-death penalty advocates brought compelling evidence of pervasive racial discrimination in Georgia’s administration of capital punishment. A sophisticated statistical study demonstrated that sentencing was tied to the race of the victim and offender. All other factors being equal, blacks who killed whites were the likeliest to receive a death sentence. Justice Scalia was unfazed. During oral arguments, he derisivelyasked: “What if you do a statistical study that shows beyond question that people who are naturally shifty-eyed are to a disproportionate extent convicted in criminal cases, does that make the criminal process unlawful?”

John Charles Boger, who represented the black death-row prisoner in McCleskey, responded by pointing to the obvious: “This is not some sort of statistical fluke or aberration. We have a century-old pattern in the state of Georgia of animosity [toward black-Americans].” Scalia and four other justices nonetheless chose to analyze discrimination out of its social context, including in cases from Southern states with a lengthy history of slavery, segregation, and lynchings.

Scalia was in the majority as the court held that statistical proof of systemic discrimination in the death penalty is irrelevant. A defendant must instead prove intentional discrimination in his own case, an almost impossible standard without considering systemic patterns. Many experts consider McCleskey among the worst Supreme Court decisions of all-time. It largely closed the door to statistical evidence as a means of challenging systemic discrimination in criminal punishment.

Scalia would also play a significant role as the Supreme Court licensed ruthless sentences leading America to world record incarceration levels. He wrote the operative part of the influential Harmelin decision, a 1991 plurality opinion holding that the Eighth Amendment ban on “cruel and unusual punishments” does not require that a prison sentence be “proportional” to the crime. The court thus upheld a life-sentence for cocaine possession.

Scalia again was in the majority in Lockyer v. Andrade, a 2003 case upholding a 50-year-to-life sentence under California’s three-strikes-law for a man who shoplifted videotapes worth $153 because he had prior convictions for petty theft, burglary, and transporting marijuana. Erwin Chemerinsky, who zealously represented the prisoner,was in tears as the media asked him about his reaction to the court’s inhumane decision.

McCleskey, Harmelin, and Lockyer were all 5–4 decisions that could have been decided otherwise if Scalia had thought differently. Naturally, he was not a swing vote but a sure one for harsh justice.

While the justices might not have been able to stop mass incarceration singlehandedly, they definitely could have limited it. Indeed, the court’s belated decision in Brown v. Plata, has contributed to reducing California’s incarceration rate. In this 2011 case, the court ordered California to reduce its dramatically overcrowded prison population because “depriv[ing] prisoners of basic sustenance, including adequate medical care, is incompatible with the concept of human dignity.” In a vehement dissent, Scalia charged that this was “a judicial travesty” and that the majority was “wildly” overstepping its authority.

Similarly, he fiercely dissented in other rare cases where the court decided to check ruthless punishments. If it had been up to Scalia, it would still be constitutional to execute mentally retarded people or teenagers, not to mention sentence teenagers to life imprisonment without the possibility of parole for homicide or any other crime.

This aspect of his legacy has been overshadowed by the common misconception that “at least Scalia was quite fair to criminal defendants.” To his credit, he concluded in several procedural cases that juries, not judges, must decide if all facts leading to harsher punishment are proved beyond reasonable doubt. In various other cases, he found that police searches went too far. But these are exceptions. He regularly took an extremely narrow view of due process, such as when he argued that the Constitution does not create “a right to demand judicial consideration of newly discovered evidence of innocence.” Scalia further suggested that executing an innocent person would not be unconstitutional per se. More than 1,300 prisonerswere executed while Scalia was on the Supreme Court though he was persuaded that his colleagues created unjust procedural hurdles to executions by baselessly expanding the rights of death row prisoners.

Had Scalia had his way, far more people would have been executed during his tenure and the court would have adopted an even more accommodating approach to mass incarceration. In his view, merciless punishments were just deserts for “evildoers.” Hescoffed when fellow justices advanced a more nuanced view of criminal behavior or occasionally suggested that draconian punishments were dehumanizing. He was certain that the court already cared too much about people who faced the death penalty or endless prison sentences. Justices who disagreed with him were judicial activists who refused to defer to elected branches of government. Of course, Scalia did not do so himself in multiple cases. Tellingly, he voted to strike down campaign finance legislation in Citizens United. He likewise voted twice, unsuccessfully, in favor of eviscerating the democratically enacted Affordable Care Act…More Here

 

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The Black Family in the Age of Mass Incarceration

Daniel Patrick Moynihan was a brilliant scholar whose works substantially influenced thinking about the role of government in the last half of the 20th Century. His works have been quoted, and sometime intentionally misquoted to crate carceral state, as well as to turn welfare recipients into pariahs.

This is Ta-Nehisi Coates’ newest work. What he does here is to initially reexamine the Moynihan Report, a small part of which has been the conservative bible for the past 20 years or so. Daniel Patrick Moynihan argued forcefully that the black family had been undermined by over 450 years of oppression and slavery. One of the warnings he issued to those who were considering how to rebuild black lives after Civil Rights was to not construct a system wherein, like a heroin addict, there is a cycle of dependency….

About 20 years later, conservatives took that warning and manufactured from sparse,  thin thread, the security blanket that the welfare system was destroying the black family, and thus the Democrats were at fault. Further such beliefs drove policy for nearly 30 years, and created the near permanent underclass systematically excluded from American Society by incarceration and a series of Catch 22 rules. assuring that even those who cling tenaciously tpo “the rules” only have a small chance of success.

Ta-Nehisi has apparently been reading my posts these past 15 years (yeah…sure :)) because his work starts with a lucid reexamination of what Moynihan actually said in his paper (and not just the abbreviated Cliff Notes version conservative bigots spew). I have noted for a long time that the welfare destroying the black family meme as a result of the Great Society of President Johnson is false. One look at the history of poverty rates belies that one.Improvement in cutting into the remaining poverty essentially flat-lined under Raygun, despite an over 50% reduction in black poverty from 1965 to 1980. The system since Raygun became an intractable prison both in the literary and physical sense.Elements of this system also serve to depress the black non-poor – making achievement of middle class status tenuous.

You will have to go to The Atlantic to read the whole thing, which includes 10 Chapters.

“lower-class behavior in our cities is shaking them apart.”

By his own lights, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, ambassador, senator, sociologist, and itinerant American intellectual, was the product of a broken home and a pathological family. He was born in 1927 in Tulsa, Oklahoma, but raised mostly in New York City. When Moynihan was 10 years old, his father, John, left the family, plunging it into poverty. Moynihan’s mother, Margaret, remarried, had another child, divorced, moved to Indiana to stay with relatives, then returned to New York, where she worked as a nurse. Moynihan’s childhood—a tangle of poverty, remarriage, relocation, and single motherhood—contrasted starkly with the idyllic American family life he would later extol. “My relations are obviously those of divided allegiance,” Moynihan wrote in a diary he kept during the 1950s. “Apparently I loved the old man very much yet had to take sides … choosing mom in spite of loving pop.” In the same journal, Moynihan, subjecting himself to the sort of analysis to which he would soon subject others, wrote, “Both my mother and father—They let me down badly … I find through the years this enormous emotional attachment to Father substitutes—of whom the least rejection was cause for untold agonies—the only answer is that I have repressed my feelings towards dad.”

As a teenager, Moynihan divided his time between his studies and working at the docks in Manhattan to help out his family. In 1943, he tested into the City College of New York, walking into the examination room with a longshoreman’s loading hook in his back pocket so that he would not “be mistaken for any sissy kid.” After a year at CCNY, he enlisted in the Navy, which paid for him to go to Tufts University for a bachelor’s degree. He stayed for a master’s degree and then started a doctorate program, which took him to the London School of Economics, where he did research. In 1959, Moynihan began writing for Irving Kristol’s magazine The Reporter, covering everything from organized crime to auto safety. The election of John F. Kennedy as president, in 1960, gave Moynihan a chance to put his broad curiosity to practical use; he was hired as an aide in the Department of Labor. Moynihan was, by then, an anticommunist liberal with a strong belief in the power of government to both study and solve social problems. He was also something of a scenester. His fear of being taken for a “sissy kid” had diminished. In London, he’d cultivated a love of wine, fine cheeses, tailored suits, and the mannerisms of an English aristocrat. He stood six feet five inches tall. A cultured civil servant not to the manor born, Moynihan—witty, colorful, loquacious—charmed the Washington elite, moving easily among congressional aides, politicians, and journalists. As the historian James Patterson writes in Freedom Is Not Enough, his book about Moynihan, he was possessed by “the optimism of youth.” He believed in the marriage of government and social science to formulate policy. “All manner of later experiences in politics were to test this youthful faith.”

Moynihan stayed on at the Labor Department during Lyndon B. Johnson’s administration, but became increasingly disillusioned with Johnson’s War on Poverty. He believed that the initiative should be run through an established societal institution: the patriarchal family. Fathers should be supported by public policy, in the form of jobs funded by the government. Moynihan believed that unemployment, specifically male unemployment, was the biggest impediment to the social mobility of the poor. He was, it might be said, a conservative radical who disdained service programs such as Head Start and traditional welfare programs such as Aid to Families With Dependent Children, and instead imagined a broad national program that subsidized families through jobs programs for men and a guaranteed minimum income for every family.

Influenced by the civil-rights movement, Moynihan focused on the black family. He believed that an undue optimism about the pending passage of civil-rights legislation was obscuring a pressing problem: a deficit of employed black men of strong character. He believed that this deficit went a long way toward explaining the African American community’s relative poverty. Moynihan began searching for a way to press the point within the Johnson administration. “I felt I had to write a paper about the Negro family,” Moynihan later recalled, “to explain to the fellows how there was a problem more difficult than they knew.” In March of 1965, Moynihan printed up 100 copies of a report he and a small staff had labored over for only a few months.

The report was called “The Negro Family: The Case for National Action.” Unsigned, it was meant to be an internal government document, with only one copy distributed at first and the other 99 kept locked in a vault. Running against the tide of optimism around civil rights, “The Negro Family” argued that the federal government was underestimating the damage done to black families by “three centuries of sometimes unimaginable mistreatment” as well as a “racist virus in the American blood stream,” which would continue to plague blacks in the future:

That the Negro American has survived at all is extraordinary—a lesser people might simply have died out, as indeed others have … But it may not be supposed that the Negro American community has not paid a fearful price for the incredible mistreatment to which it has been subjected over the past three centuries.

That price was clear to Moynihan. “The Negro family, battered and harassed by discrimination, injustice, and uprooting, is in the deepest trouble,” he wrote. “While many young Negroes are moving ahead to unprecedented levels of achievement, many more are falling further and further behind.” Out-of-wedlock births were on the rise, and with them, welfare dependency, while the unemployment rate among black men remained high. Moynihan believed that at the core of all these problems lay a black family structure mutated by white oppression:

In essence, the Negro community has been forced into a matriarchal structure which, because it is so out of line with the rest of the American society, seriously retards the progress of the group as a whole, and imposes a crushing burden on the Negro male and, in consequence, on a great many Negro women as well.

Moynihan believed this matriarchal structure robbed black men of their birthright—“The very essence of the male animal, from the bantam rooster to the four-star general, is to strut,” he wrote—and deformed the black family and, consequently, the black community. In what would become the most famous passage in the report, Moynihan equated the black community with a diseased patient:

In a word, most Negro youth are in danger of being caught up in the tangle of pathology that affects their world, and probably a majority are so entrapped. Many of those who escape do so for one generation only: as things now are, their children may have to run the gauntlet all over again. That is not the least vicious aspect of the world that white America has made for the Negro.

Despite its alarming predictions, “The Negro Family” was a curious government report in that it advocated no specific policies to address the crisis it described. This was intentional. Moynihan had lots of ideas about what government could do—provide a guaranteed minimum income, establish a government jobs program, bring more black men into the military, enable better access to birth control, integrate the suburbs—but none of these ideas made it into the report. “A series of recommendations was at first included, then left out,” Moynihan later recalled. “It would have got in the way of the attention-arousing argument that a crisis was coming and that family stability was the best measure of success or failure in dealing with it.”

President Johnson offered the first public preview of the Moynihan Report in a speech written by Moynihan and the former Kennedy aide Richard Goodwin at Howard University in June of 1965, in which he highlighted “the breakdown of the Negro family structure.” Johnson left no doubt about how this breakdown had come about. “For this, most of all, white America must accept responsibility,” Johnson said. Family breakdown “flows from centuries of oppression and persecution of the Negro man. It flows from the long years of degradation and discrimination, which have attacked his dignity and assaulted his ability to produce for his family.”…

The Rest Here –   The Black Family in the Age of Mass Incarceration

Herein is an actual copy of the Moynihan Report

 
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Posted by on September 15, 2015 in American Genocide, Black History

 

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Local Shutdown Toll

No more Head Start. in some states like this safety class in Adrian, Missouri..

This is a State by State listing of damage done so far by the artificial shutdown at the local levels in the States…

Alabama:

  • The Cheaha Regional Head Start in Talladega was closed.

Alaska:

Arizona:

Arkansas:

California:

  • 1,282 marines were furloughed at the Marine Air Ground Task Force Combat Center
  • Movie production was suspended in Angeles National Forest, the L.A. River, the Sepulveda Dam and the West Lost Angeles Veterans Administration Medical Center

Colorado:

  • The Upper Colorado River Interagency Fire Management Unit in Grand Junction was closed.

Connecticut:

Delaware:

Florida:

  • Launch preparations for the Mars Atmosphere and Volatile Evolution spacecraft were put on hold.

Georgia:

Hawaii:

Idaho:

  • 850 of the state’s National Guard’s civilian workers (half of the total staff) were furloughed.
  • Attorneys were expected to file motions to temporarily halt court proceedings in environmental lawsuits, tort cases and other civil matters.
  • A rescue mission for a missing Boise woman was put on hold Tuesday because workers were furloughed. On Wednesday, Idaho officials announced that they were able to get more boots on the ground to help with the search.

Illinois:

Indiana:

Iowa:

Kansas:

  • The Brown vs. Board of Education National Historic Site was closed.
  • More than 300 civilian employees were out of work at McConnell Air Force Base.

Kentucky:

Louisiana:

Maine:

Maryland:

Massachusetts:

Michigan:

Minnesota:

  • Air Force Reserve furloughed 300 workers at the 934th Airlift Wing. “How do you feed your family? How do you house your family? It’s ridiculous right now,” said one of those furloughed workers.
  • The Minnesota Valley National Wildlife Refuge center closed its sites and locked its gates.

Mississippi:

Missouri:

  • The Columbia Environmental Research Center — a U.S. Geological Survey research facility — was closed.
  • In mid-Missouri, people were no longer allowed to apply in person for a replacement Social Security card or a replacement Medicare card.

Montana:

  • The Bozeman Fish Technology Center, the Bozeman Fish Health Center, the Creston National Fish Hatchery, the hatchery in Ennis and the Montana Fish and Wildlife Conservation Office in Billings all closed.
  • Glacier and Yellowstone national parks were closed to visitors. Those already at the parks were told to leave by Thursday.

Nebraska:

  • The commodity supplemental food program was shut down and food is not being distributed.

Nevada:

New Hampshire:

New Jersey:

  • More than half the 6,700 civilian workers at Joint Base McGuire-Dix-Lakehurst have been furloughed.

New Mexico:

  • The widow of a Forest Service firefighter killed on the job was temporarily denied her late husband’s survivor benefits.
  • Kasha-Katuwe Tent Rocks National Monument was closed.

New York:

North Carolina:

  • The Department of Health and Human Services told 337 employees in the state not to show up for work Wednesday.

North Dakota:

Ohio:

Oklahoma:

  • Officials at Tinker Air Force Base estimated that 2,900 of 14,000 civilian employees were furloughed.

Oregon:

  • Several federal offices in Portland, including the Department of Interior, USDA, GSA and EPA, were closed.

Pennsylvania:

Rhode Island:

South Carolina:

  • Approximately 1,200 federal technicians for the S.C. National Guard were furloughed.

South Dakota:

  • Tribal funds for foster care and other assistance were halted.
  • The Davison County Conservation District was shut down because it operates at an office in the U.S. Department of Agriculture Service Center.

Tennessee:

Texas:

  • Texas Tech students could see delays in financial aid.
  • The George W. Bush Library and Lyndon B. Johnson’s presidential librarieswere closed.

Utah:

  • Roughly 65,000 could see support from the Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children halted.
  • Half of the state’s national guard full-time workers were furloughed.

Vermont:

Virginia:

Washington:

  • A trip to Washington, D.C., that eighth graders from Washington state had spent more than a year raising money for became a “huge disappointment” due to closures.

West Virginia:

  • 1150 national guard employees were furloughed. “I mean we’ve got folks that aren’t going to get paid. They are going home. And some of them have just come back from war,” said Major General James Hoyer, state adjutant general.

Wisconsin:

  • The state’s Hunger Task Force said it would lose out on 217,000 pounds of food it receives every two weeks from the federal government if the shutdown lasts into mid-October.

Wyoming:

 

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Shaping Up the DC School System – Rhee Fires 241 Teachers For Poor Performance

Sans commuting a major felony, this has to be the first time the city of DC has actually fired a teacher.

One of the huge problems the system has had to overcome has been an inability or unwillingness to get rid of bad teachers.

This still doesn’t fix the parent problem, or the kid problem…

But it is a step in the right direction.

Since this article came out the number of dismissed teachers has apparently risen to 241.

Now if they would do this on Wall Street, Congress, and the Boardrooms of America…

We could be on to something.

Rhee fires 226 D.C. teachers

Chancellor Michelle A. Rhee announced Friday that she has fired 226 teachers who received poor appraisals under a new evaluation system that, for the first time, holds some educators accountable for student growth on standardized test scores.

“Every child in a District of Columbia public school has a right to a highly effective teacher — in every classroom, of every school, of every neighborhood, of every ward, in this City,” Rhee said in a statement. “That is our commitment. Today, with the release of the first year of results from IMPACT, the educator assessment system, we take another step toward making that commitment a reality.”

The Washington Teachers’ Union said it will contest the firings.

The dismissals represent the second game-changing development this year in Rhee’s efforts to assert more control over how D.C. teachers are managed, compensated and removed from their jobs. It also places the public school system at the head of a national movement — fostered in part by the Obama administration’s $3.4 billion “Race to the Top” grant competition — to more rigorously assess teacher effectiveness.

Last month, union members and the D.C. Council approved a new contract that raises educators’ salaries by 21.6 percent but diminishes traditional seniority protections in favor of personnel decisions based on results in the classroom. The pact also provides for a “performance pay” system with bonuses of $20,000 to $30,000 annually for teachers who meet certain benchmarks, including growth in test scores.

The evaluation, known as IMPACT, is the major instrument officials will use each year to determine teacher effectiveness.

In addition to the 226 dismissals, which become official Aug. 13, another 737 teachers were rated “minimally effective,” and will be given one year to improve their performance or also face dismissal. Rhee said Friday that job actions were “a more accurate reflection” of the quality of the 4,000-member teacher corps than has been available in the past.

“This is a school district that has had a lot of problems with student achievement,” she said.

Rhee declined to speculate on how many of the 737 might face dismissal after next year. But she said that over the next two years “a not insignificant number of folks will be moved out of the system for poor performance.”

 
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Posted by on July 23, 2010 in News

 

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