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The Chumph Continues Ethnic Cleansing

First he came for the Haitians…

 

With Salvador decision, Trump’s immigration policy veers into white nationalism

Trump moves toward deporting 200,000 longtime immigrants from El Salvador — and, no, they’re not “illegal”

Since Donald Trump kicked off his presidential campaign in 2015 by declaring that Mexican immigrants to the United States are “rapists” and are “bringing crime,” he and his supporters have tried to deny that his opinions on immigration are shaped by racism. Instead, they’ve tried to argue that it’s only illegal immigration that Trump opposes. Trump has even claimed that his proposed wall on the Mexican border would have a “big, very beautiful door because we want the legals to come back into the country.”

Once Trump was in office, however, it became clear that his immigration policy would primarily be shaped around ejecting as many nonwhite, non-English-speaking people as possible. The White House has systematically targeted certain groups of  immigrants who have legal status for deportation, through the travel ban placed on Muslim countries (which initially applied to green card holders), rescinding protections for DACA recipients and more recently the targeted attacks on immigrants with Temporary Protected Status (TPS), who are allowed to live in the United States under a law signed by George H.W. Bush in 1991.

On Monday, the Trump administration revoked TPS from 200,000 Salvadorans, a group of people that has lived and worked here for 17 years, and in many cases have children who know no other home but the United States. This is the biggest move yet to give lie to the notion that Trump is fine with legal immigration. Instead, it’s becoming apparent that a lightly veiled version white nationalism is the guiding ideology behind Trump immigration policies. Earlier, Trump has revoked TPS from 2,500 Nicaraguans and 60,000 Haitians.

“Over the 17 years that they’ve had TPS, they have been routinely and regularly vetted by the government,” explained Royce Murray of the American Immigration Council, during a Monday press call. “They’ve been vetted 11 times, submitted to background checks and security checks to ensure that they do not present any public safety concerns.”

“I kind of see it as low-hanging fruit,” said Mark Drury, an executive at Shapiro & Duncan, a construction company that employs a number of TPS workers. He noted that undocumented workers “are a lot harder to find” than people who have legal status, after all, and that kicking out people who have “done all the right things” is a much easier task for the Trump administration.

“All my plans for the future just ended,” said Christian Chavez Guevara, who has lived in the U.S. with TPS status for 17 years. Holding back tears, he added, “I don’t want to take my daughter, none of my kids, to a violent environment.”

Salvadoran immigrants were given protected status after an earthquake in 2001, but as Chavez Guevara’s statements make clear, the more pressing concerns in 2018 are economic instability and crime. Right now, the State Department has a travel warning in place for El Salvador, noting the country “has one of the highest homicide levels in the world and crimes such as extortion, assault and robbery are common.” But the Trump administration declined to take those facts into consideration, simply declaring that enough time had passed since the earthquake that it was safe for these immigrants to return home.

Frank Mora of the Kimberly Green Latin American and Caribbean Center strongly disagreed, arguing that returning all these people to El Salvador “stokes the conditions that actually trigger the instability, the violence and the migration from El Salvador to the United States,” which runs directly counter to the Trump administration’s stated goals.

Remittances — money sent by immigrants back to family and friends in El Salvador — make up 17 percent of that nation’s GDP. Sending all those people back to El Salvador and cutting off that source of income, Mora warned, would exacerbate economic insecurity and likely lead to an escalation of crime. In turn, that will cause more people to leave the country and enter the United States without documentation.

Unsurprisingly, Neil Munro at Breitbart applauded Trump’s decision by characterizing immigrants, en masse, as parasites.

“Four million Americans turn 18 each year and begin looking for good jobs in the free market,” Munro writes. “But the federal government inflates the supply of new labor by annually accepting more than 1 million new legal immigrants, by providing work-permits to roughly 3 million resident foreigners, and by doing little to block the employment of roughly 8 million illegal immigrants.”

Drury begged to differ, saying, “Construction’s at full employment. There are not people sitting at home waiting to take the jobs that these folks are doing. We work hard every day trying to get more people into our industry.”

He added that these potential deportations mean that “El Salvador will get a better prepared work force arriving at their doors,” since most of these people have been building up work experience in the U.S. for years. These workers may well displace less experienced workers in El Salvador, he said, who may well come to the U.S. looking for work, likely as undocumented immigrants.

Attempts to make this debate about economics are best understood as a cover story for a racist agenda. As Matt Yglesias explained at Vox in April, “there is a fairly firm consensus that immigration raises incomes on average for native-born workers” and that inviting immigrants is an effective “strategy for national growth and national greatness.”

Trump and his supporters are clearly motivated by an urge toward ethnic cleansing, whether or not they clearly see it that way, and their economic arguments should be understood as a form of rationalization. The comment section at Breitbart News, full of racial slurs about “anchor babies” and “criminal invaders,” and claims that liberals want the United States to be a “Third World spillway,” make that clear enough. This is why it’s foolish for any liberal to hope the MAGA-hat crowd will turn on Trump after realizing he has broken his promises on taxes, jobs and health care. Mostly they voted for him so he would stick it to people of color, and that is one promise Trump has kept.

 

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Chumph’s Ethnic Cleansing of Black Immigrants

The Chumph’s white supremacy and making America white again….Driving While Black, long a method to harass and intimidate the American born black population,  is used as an excuse to forcibly deport supposedly “illegal aliens” who are black, under a system of trumped up laws and regulations designed to rid the country of it’s immigrant black population.

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The ‘Double Punishment’ For Black Undocumented Immigrants

Although only 7 percent of non-citizens in the U.S. are black, they make up 20 percent of those facing deportation on criminal grounds.

If it were not for the Canadian leaf tattoo on his wrist, Chris Gustave may not be behind bars.

In October, 24 year old Gustave was staying at a weekly motel in Phoenix when police arrived searching for his friend, who had violated parole. At first, “all the attention was on him,” Gustave told me in a phone interview last month. But then, Gustave claimed, an officer noticed the tattoo. “The dude just asked if I was Canadian, the next thing I knew I was in here”—“here” being the remote and sprawling Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center in Eloy, Arizona.

Gustave is one of more than half a million black unauthorized immigrants in the United States—about 575,000 as of 2013. Last week, The New York Times reported that the presence of immigrants from Haiti and Nigeria, who together represent roughly 20 percent of the foreign-born black population, vexed president Trump. The Haitians “all have AIDS,” Trump said in a June meeting with his top advisors according to the Times, while the Nigerians would not “go back to their huts” after seeing America, he said. (The White House denied the comments.)

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Research suggests that because black people in the United States are more likely to be stopped, arrested, and incarcerated, black immigrants may be disproportionately vulnerable to deportation. The criminal-justice system acts like a “funnel” into the immigration system, said César Cuauhtémoc García Hernández, a University of Denver law professor who studies the nexus of policing and immigration law. New York University law professor Alina Das said black immigrants are “targeted by criminalization.”

While the Obama administration prioritized immigrants with felony convictions for deportation, President Trump’s executive orders effectively made anyone in the country illegally a target for removal. Arrests of non-criminals more than doubled, and among those who have been charged with a crime, the top three categories are “traffic offenses – DUI,” “dangerous drugs,” and “immigration,” which means illegal entry, illegal reentry, false claim to US citizenship, and trafficking, according to ICE. In fiscal year 2017, almost 74 percent of people arrested by ICE had a criminal conviction—arrests the agency uses to argue “that its officers know how to prioritize enforcement without overly prescriptive mandates.”

But Hernández sees something different in the large number of criminal convictions among ICE detainees. “Racial bias present in the criminal-justice system plays itself out in the immigration context,” he said. “There are so many entry points” to deportation, said Das, “when you are a person of color who is also an immigrant, you face a double punishment.”

2016 report by the NYU Immigrant Rights Clinic, where Das is the co-director, and the Black Alliance for Just Immigration found that although black immigrants represent about 7 percent of the non-citizen population, they make up more than 10 percent of immigrants in removal proceedings. Criminal convictions amplify the disparity: Twenty percent of immigrants facing deportation on criminal grounds are black.

Today, almost 10 percent of the black population in the United States is foreign-born, up from about 3 percent in 1980. As the number of black immigrants has grown, so, too, have the linkages between cops, courts, and the immigration system.

Aside from ICE’s splashier arrests within so-called “sanctuary cities,” most apprehensions nationwide happen inside jails once an immigrant has had contact with local police. This collaboration is a result of decades of legislation and executive action by both Democrats and Republicans. Two years after the passage of his controversial crime bill, former President Bill Clinton signed the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act in 1996. Known as IIRIRA (pronounced “ira-ira”), the law expanded mandatory detention and the number of deportable crimes. As the federal inmate population doubled, prison-like immigrant-detention centers rose up in tandem. In the early 1990s, there were around 5,000 immigrants detained each day; by 2001, the populationquadrupled. And the Trump administration wants to keep that number growing: The president’s 2018 budget called for increasing the daily detainee population to 51,000, a 25 percent bump over last year.

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“Additional detention space does make Americans safer,”argued Jessica Vaughan of the Center for Immigration Studies, a group that advocates for stricter enforcement. Detention also ensures that undocumented immigrants don’t “disappear into the woodwork,” Vaughan said. “The benefit of keeping illegal aliens in custody,” she said, is that “it prevents the release of criminal aliens back into the community to have the opportunity to re-offend.”

While the prison population has begun to dwindle in recent years—the incarceration rate fell 13 percent between 2007 and 2015—immigration detention remains “one of the fastest-growing sectors of the carceral state,” said Kelly Lytle Hernandez, a University of California, Los Angeles, historian who studies the origins of U.S. immigration control.

ICE’s Secure Communities program—which began under former President George W. Bush; was expanded, then killed, under his successor Barack Obama; then reinstated by Trump—provides local police with a national fingerprint database to check suspects for immigration violations. ICE can also deputize local law enforcement to make immigration arrests, a power authorized by IIRIRA. Some 60 law-enforcement agencies across 18 states participate in that program.

“Local police are some of the biggest feeders into the immigration-enforcement system,” said Will Gaona, the policy director of the American Civil Liberties Union of Arizona. “And that’s more true in Arizona”—where Gustave was picked up—“because of S.B. 1070.” That 2010 state law, which has since been emulated in dozens of states, requires police to ask about immigration status if they suspect someone is in the country illegally….

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Auschwitz Survivor Damns Chumph Administration and ICE

Here is a survivor of not only the Auschwitz Death Camp, but Dachau.

Powerful words.

 
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Posted by on March 30, 2017 in American Genocide

 

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